[House Hearing, 112 Congress] [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office] H.R. 2250, THE EPA REGULATORY RELIEF ACT OF 2011, AND H.R. 2681, THE CEMENT SECTOR REGULATORY RELIEF ACT OF 2011 ======================================================================= HEARING BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON ENERGY AND POWER OF THE COMMITTEE ON ENERGY AND COMMERCE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ONE HUNDRED TWELFTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION ---------- SEPTEMBER 8, 2011 ---------- Serial No. 112-82 Printed for the use of the Committee on Energy and Commerce energycommerce.house.gov [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] H.R. 2250, THE EPA REGULATORY RELIEF ACT OF 2011, AND H.R. 2681, THE CEMENT SECTOR REGULATORY RELIEF ACT OF 2011 ======================================================================= HEARING BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON ENERGY AND POWER OF THE COMMITTEE ON ENERGY AND COMMERCE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ONE HUNDRED TWELFTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION __________ SEPTEMBER 8, 2011 __________ Serial No. 112-82 Printed for the use of the Committee on Energy and Commerce energycommerce.house.gov [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] _____ U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 74-205 PDF WASHINGTON : 2012 ----------------------------------------------------------------------- For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512-1800; DC area (202) 512-1800 Fax: (202) 512-2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402-0001 COMMITTEE ON ENERGY AND COMMERCE FRED UPTON, Michigan Chairman JOE BARTON, Texas HENRY A. WAXMAN, California Chairman Emeritus Ranking Member CLIFF STEARNS, Florida JOHN D. DINGELL, Michigan ED WHITFIELD, Kentucky Chairman Emeritus JOHN SHIMKUS, Illinois EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts JOSEPH R. PITTS, Pennsylvania EDOLPHUS TOWNS, New York MARY BONO MACK, California FRANK PALLONE, Jr., New Jersey GREG WALDEN, Oregon BOBBY L. RUSH, Illinois LEE TERRY, Nebraska ANNA G. ESHOO, California MIKE ROGERS, Michigan ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York SUE WILKINS MYRICK, North Carolina GENE GREEN, Texas Vice Chairman DIANA DeGETTE, Colorado JOHN SULLIVAN, Oklahoma LOIS CAPPS, California TIM MURPHY, Pennsylvania MICHAEL F. DOYLE, Pennsylvania MICHAEL C. BURGESS, Texas JANICE D. SCHAKOWSKY, Illinois MARSHA BLACKBURN, Tennessee CHARLES A. GONZALEZ, Texas BRIAN P. BILBRAY, California JAY INSLEE, Washington CHARLES F. BASS, New Hampshire TAMMY BALDWIN, Wisconsin PHIL GINGREY, Georgia MIKE ROSS, Arkansas STEVE SCALISE, Louisiana ANTHONY D. WEINER, New York ROBERT E. LATTA, Ohio JIM MATHESON, Utah CATHY McMORRIS RODGERS, Washington G.K. BUTTERFIELD, North Carolina GREGG HARPER, Mississippi JOHN BARROW, Georgia LEONARD LANCE, New Jersey DORIS O. MATSUI, California BILL CASSIDY, Louisiana DONNA M. CHRISTENSEN, Virgin BRETT GUTHRIE, Kentucky Islands PETE OLSON, Texas KATHY CASTOR, Florida DAVID B. McKINLEY, West Virginia CORY GARDNER, Colorado MIKE POMPEO, Kansas ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois H. MORGAN GRIFFITH, Virginia 7_____ Subcommittee on Energy and Power ED WHITFIELD, Kentucky Chairman JOHN SULLIVAN, Oklahoma BOBBY L. RUSH, Illinois Vice Chairman Ranking Member JOHN SHIMKUS, Illinois JAY INSLEE, Washington GREG WALDEN, Oregon KATHY CASTOR, Florida LEE TERRY, Nebraska JOHN D. DINGELL, Michigan MICHAEL C. BURGESS, Texas EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts BRIAN P. BILBRAY, California ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York STEVE SCALISE, Louisiana GENE GREEN, Texas CATHY McMORRIS RODGERS, Washington LOIS CAPPS, California PETE OLSON, Texas MICHAEL F. DOYLE, Pennsylvania DAVID B. McKINLEY, West Virginia CHARLES A. GONZALEZ, Texas CORY GARDNER, Colorado HENRY A. WAXMAN, California (ex MIKE POMPEO, Kansas officio) H. MORGAN GRIFFITH, Virginia JOE BARTON, Texas FRED UPTON, Michigan (ex officio) (ii) C O N T E N T S ---------- Page Hon. Ed Whitfield, a Representative in Congress from the Commonwealth of Kentucky, opening statement.................... 17 Prepared statement........................................... 18 Hon. Joe Barton, a Representative in Congress from the State of Texas, opening statement....................................... 20 Prepared statement........................................... 21 Hon. John Sullivan, a Representative in Congress from the State of Oklahoma, opening statement................................. 23 Hon. Henry A. Waxman, a Representative in Congress from the State of California, opening statement............................... 33 Hon. Cathy McMorris Rodgers, a Representative in Congress from the State of Washington, opening statement..................... 34 Hon. Pete Olson, a Representative in Congress from the State of Texas, opening statement....................................... 35 Prepared statement........................................... 36 Hon. H. Morgan Griffith, a Representative in Congress from the Commonwealth of Virginia, opening statement.................... 37 Hon. Bobby L. Rush, a Representative in Congress from the State of Illinois, opening statement................................. 141 Hon. John D. Dingell, a Representative in Congress from the State of Michigan, prepared statement................................ 149 Witnesses Regina McCarthy, Assistant Administrator for Air and Radiation, Environmental Protection Agency................................ 130 Prepared statement........................................... 132 Daniel M. Harrington, President and CEO, Lehigh Hanson, Inc...... 182 Prepared statement........................................... 184 James A. Rubright, CEO, RockTenn Company......................... 188 Prepared statement........................................... 190 Answers to submitted questions............................... 316 Paul Gilman, Chief Sustainability Officer, Covanta Energy Corporation.................................................... 195 Prepared statement........................................... 197 John D. Walke, Clean Air Director and Senior Attorney, Natural Resources Defense Council...................................... 214 Prepared statement........................................... 216 Eric Schaeffer, Director, Environmental Integrity Project........ 246 Prepared statement........................................... 248 Peter A. Valberg, Principal, Gradient Corporation................ 252 Prepared statement........................................... 254 Todd Elliott, General Manager, Acetate, Celanese Corporation..... 257 Prepared statement........................................... 259 Submitted Material H.R. 2250, A Bill to provide additional time for the Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency to issue achievable standards for industrial, commercial, and institutional boilers, process heaters, and incinerators, and for other purposes, submitted by Mr. Whitfield................. 2 H.R. 2681, A Bill to provide additional time for the Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency to issue achievable standards for cement manufacturing facilities, and for other purposes, submitted by Mr. Whitfield................. 10 Letter, dated August 25, 2011, from Anthony Jacobs, Special Assistant to the International President, Acting Director of Legislative Affairs, International Brotherhood of Boilermakers, Iron Ship Builders, Blacksmiths, Forgers & Helpers, to committee leadership, submitted by Mr. Sullivan................ 24 Letter, dated September 1, 2011, from Paul A. Yost, Vice President, Energy and Resources Policy, National Association of Manufacturers, to Mr. Upton, submitted by Mr. Sullivan......... 26 Letter, dated July 28, 2011, from 25 Senators to House leadership, submitted by Mr. Sullivan.......................... 28 Letter, dated September 7, 2011, from R. Bruce Josten, Executive Vice President, Government Affairs, Chamber of Commerce of the United States of America, to committee leadership, submitted by Mr. Sullivan................................................... 32 Letter, dated September 6, 2011, from the National Association of Manufacturers to House and Senate leadership, submitted by Mr. Griffith....................................................... 38 Letter, dated July 5, 2011, from Cal Dooley, President and CEO, American Chemistry Council, to Mr. Upton, submitted by Mr. Griffith....................................................... 43 Letter, dated June 28, 2011, from Donna Harman, President and Chief Executive Officer, American Forest & Paper Association, and Robert Glowinski, President, American Wood Council, to committee and subcommittee leadership, submitted by Mr. Griffith....................................................... 44 Letter, undated, from James Valvo, Director of Government Affairs, Americans for Prosperity, to Mr. Griffith, submitted by Mr. Griffith................................................ 46 Letter, dated July 1, 2011, from Bill Perdue, Vice President, Regulatory Affairs, American Home Furnishings Alliance, to committee and subcommittee leadership submitted by Mr. Griffith 48 Letter, dated September 7, 2011, from Jolene M. Thompson, Senior Vice President, American Municipal Power, Inc., and Executive Director, Ohio Municipal Electric Association, to committee and subcommittee leadership, submitted by Mr. Griffith............. 51 Letter, dated July 15, 2011, from Edward R. Hamberger, President and Chief Executive Officer, Association of American Railroads, to committee and subcommittee leadership, submitted by Mr. Griffith....................................................... 54 Letter, dated July 14, 2011, from Robert E. Cleaves, President and CEO, Biomass Power Association, to committee and subcommittee leadership, submitted by Mr. Griffith............. 56 Letter, dated July 1, 2011, from Alexander Toeldte, President and CEO, Boise, Inc., to committee and subcommittee leadership, submitted by Mr. Griffith...................................... 58 Statement, dated June 22, 2011, of Business Roundtable, submitted by Mr. Griffith................................................ 59 Letter, dated July 8, 2011, from R. Bruce Josten, Executive Vice President, Government Affairs, Chamber of Commerce of the United States of America, to committee leadership, submitted by Mr. Griffith................................................... 61 Letter, dated July 7, 2011, from Audrae Erickson, President, Corn Refiners Association, to committee and subcommittee leadership, submitted by Mr. Griffith...................................... 62 Letter, dated July 20, 2011, from Robert D. Bessette, President, Council of Industrial Boiler Owners, to committee and subcommittee leadership, submitted by Mr. Griffith............. 64 Letter, dated August 5, 2011, from Thomas S. Howard, Vice President, Government Relations, Domtar, to committee and subcommittee leadership, submitted by Mr. Griffith............. 66 Letter, dated July 5, 2011, from Florida State Council, International Association of Machinists & Aerospace Workers, to committee and subcommittee leadership, submitted by Mr. Griffith....................................................... 68 Letter, dated July 1, 2011, from Jose F. Alvarez, Executive Vice President, Operations, and General Manager, Sugar Cane Growers Cooperative of Florida, on behalf of the Florida Sugar Industry and the sugarcane processors in Texas and Hawaii, to committee and subcommittee leadership, submitted by Mr. Griffith......... 70 Letter, dated June 30, 2011, from Paul Cicio, President, Industrial Energy Consumers of America, to committee and subcommittee leadership, submitted by Mr. Griffith............. 72 Statement, dated August 29, 2011, of Edwin D. Hill, International President, International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, submitted by Mr. Griffith...................................... 74 Letter, dated July 14, 2011, from Ann Wrobleski, Vice President, Global Government Relations, International Paper, to commmittee and subcommittee leadership, submitted by Mr. Griffith......... 75 Letter, dated July 13, 2011, from Mike Blosser, Vice President, Environment, Health and Safety, Louisiana-Pacific Corporation, to committee and subcommittee leadership, submitted by Mr. Griffith....................................................... 76 Letter, dated July 7, 2011, from Dirk J. Krouskop, Vice President, Safety, Health and Environment, MeadWestvaco Corporation, to Mr. Upton, submitted by Mr. Griffith........... 78 Letter, dated July 13, 2011, from Paul A. Yost, Vice President, Energy and Resources Policy, National Association of Manufacturers, submitted by Mr. Griffith....................... 79 Letter, dated July 11, 2011, from Raymond J. Poupore, Executive Vice President, National Construction Alliance II, to Mr. Griffith, submitted by Mr. Griffith............................ 81 Letter, dated July 6, 2011, from Susan Eckerly, Senior Vice President, Public Policy, National Federation of Independent Business, to committee and subcommittee leadership, submitted by Mr. Griffith................................................ 83 Letter, dated July 11, 2011, from Thomas A. Hammer, President, National Oilseed Processors Association, to committee and subcommittee leadership, submitted by Mr. Griffith............. 85 Letter, dated July 15, 2011, from Bruce J. Parker, CEO and President, National Solid Wastes Management Association, to committee and subcommittee leadership, submitted by Mr. Griffith....................................................... 87 Letter, dated June 30, 2011, from Daniel Moss, Senior Manager, Government Relations, Society of Chemical Manufacturers and Affiliates, to committee and subcommittee leadership, submitted by Mr. Griffith................................................ 89 Letter, dated August 3, 2011, from Lewis F. Gossett, President and CEO, South Carolina Manufacturers Alliance, to committee and subcommittee leadership, submitted by Mr. Griffith......... 91 Letter, dated July 18, 2011, from Richard A. (Tony) Bennett, Chairman, Texas Forest Industries Council, to committee and subcommittee leadership, submitted by Mr. Griffith............. 93 Letter, dated July 15, 2011, from Joseph J. Croce, Director of Environmental Health, Safety and Security, Virginia Manufacturers Association, to committee and subcommittee leadership, submitted by Mr. Griffith.......................... 95 Letter, dated July 26, 2011, from Jeffrey G. Landin, President, Wisconsin Paper Council, to committee and subcommittee leadership, submitted by Mr. Griffith.......................... 97 Study, dated September 2011, titled ``Economic Impact of Pending Air Regulations on the U.S. Pulp and Paper Industry,'' by the American Forest & Paper Association, submitted by Mr. Griffith. 101 Letter, dated May 6, 2011, from Virginia Aulin, Vice President, Corporate Affairs, Boise, Inc., to Mr. Walden, submitted by Mr. Walden......................................................... 158 Letter, dated July 15, 2011, from Joe Gonyea III, Timber Products Company, to Mr. Walden, submitted by Mr. Walden................ 159 Letter, dated July 18, 2011, from Grady Mulbery, Vice President, Composite Manufacturing, Roseburg Forest Products, to Mr. Walden, submitted by Mr. Walden................................ 161 Analysis, ``Overview Impact of Existing and Proposed Regulatory Standards on Domestic Dement Capacity,'' dated January 2011, by the Portland Cement Association, submitted by Mr. Sullivan..... 271 H.R. 2250, THE EPA REGULATORY RELIEF ACT OF 2011, AND H.R. 2681, THE CEMENT SECTOR REGULATORY RELIEF ACT OF 2011 ---------- THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 2011 House of Representatives, Subcommittee on Energy and Power, Committee on Energy and Commerce, Washington, DC. The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 10:34 a.m., in room 2322 of the Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Ed Whitfield (chairman of the subcommittee) presiding. Members present: Representatives Whitfield, Sullivan, Shimkus, Walden, Terry, Burgess, Bilbray, Scalise, McMorris Rodgers, Olson, McKinley, Gardner, Pompeo, Griffith, Barton, Rush, Inslee, Castor, Dingell, Markey, Green, Doyle, and Waxman (ex officio). Staff present: Charlotte Baker, Press Secretary; Maryam Brown, Chief Counsel, Energy and Power; Allison Busbee, Legislative Clerk; Cory Hicks, Policy Coordinator, Energy and Power; Heidi King, Chief Economist; Ben Lieberman, Counsel, Energy and Power; Mary Neumayr, Senior Energy Counsel, Oversight/Energy; Chris Sarley, Policy Coordinator, Environment and Economy; Peter Spencer, Professional Staff Member, Oversight; Alison Cassady, Democratic Senior Professional Staff Member; Greg Dotson, Democratic Energy and Environment Staff Director; Caitlin Haberman, Democratic Policy Analyst; and Alexandra Teitz, Democratic Senior Counsel, Energy and Environment. Mr. Whitfield. I would like to call this hearing to order this morning. This is a hearing on two pieces of legislation: H.R. 2681, the Cement Sector Regulatory Relief Act of 2011, and H.R. 2250, the EPA Regulatory Relief Act of 2011. [The information follows:] [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ED WHITFIELD, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE COMMONWEALTH OF KENTUCKY Mr. Whitfield. I would like to commend my colleagues, Mr. Sullivan, who is also the vice chair of this subcommittee, and he is sponsoring the cement bill, and then Mr. Morgan Griffith of Virginia is sponsoring the boiler bill, and I want to thank them for their work on these two pieces of legislation, and of course, we are pleased that Representatives Ross and Butterfield from the full committee are joining as cosponsors on this legislation, and we look forward to working with them as we move forward. Now, some people have characterized these pieces of legislation as regulatory rollbacks, and I would say quite the contrary. Both the cement and the boiler bills allow, and in fact require, that new emissions controls be implemented, but they replace unrealistic targets and timetables with achievable ones, and we all know that the EPA was acting under duress, a court order, and had to finalize these rules much sooner than they had intended to do, and we do not believe they had adequate time to consider all aspects of the impact of these regulations. I would also like to say that tonight President Obama is going to be talking to us, and we know that high on his agenda, he is looking at ways to create jobs in America, and we just came back from our August work period, and it was very clear out in the country that one of the reasons jobs are not being created in America today is because of uncertainty, and uncertainty is coming from three sources: number one, the health care bill, of which 8,700 pages of regulations have already been written but it doesn't go into effect until 2014, so no one really knows what impact that is going to have on companies; number two, the regulations relating to the financial industry, the increase of capital requirements has made it more difficult to obtain loans; and then number three, this EPA has been so aggressive. I could read the litany of regulations but there is great uncertainty out there about these regulations. We know they are costly. We know they are costing jobs, and all of this is creating obstacles for our opportunities to produce jobs for America, and so that is what this is all about, and so I look forward to the testimony of our witnesses. [The prepared statement of Mr. Whitfield follows:] [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] Mr. Whitfield. At this time I would like to yield my time to Mr. Barton. Mr. Barton. How much time do I have, Mr. Chairman? Is that 2 minutes? Am I supposed to yield to Mr. Sullivan? OK. OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JOE BARTON, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF TEXAS Well, thank you for holding the hearing today on these two issues. I support both bills. I am glad we have our Deputy Administrator from the EPA here. She is a very knowledgeable person and has interacted in a positive manner with the committee and the subcommittee, and we appreciate her being here again today. I do think, though, that these bills are necessary. I do think that the EPA has issued a plethora of regulations, whether intended or not, that have the actual effect of reducing jobs and preventing jobs from being created in the American economy. That is not to say that there might not be some good that would come out of implementation of these regulations, but I think it is yet to be determined that that good would offset the negative immediate cost in terms of economic decline and loss of jobs. So I look forward to hearing from our witnesses and I certainly look forward to hearing Ms. McCarthy's testimony. With that, I yield the balance of my time to Mr. Sullivan. [The prepared statement of Mr. Barton follows:] [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN SULLIVAN, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF OKLAHOMA Mr. Sullivan. Thank you, Mr. Barton. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Chairman Whitfield, thank you for holding this important hearing today. Both the EPA Regulatory Relief Act and the Cement Sector Regulatory Relief Act of 2011 seek to do what we need most, and that is to put a stop to the overly burdensome regulations that destroy jobs. Instead of a cut-your-nose-off- to-spite-your-face approach, these bills will allow for rules that are both technically and economically achievable. Specifically, I introduced the Cement MACT legislation to prevent U.S. cement plant shutdowns, which directly result in job loss. The President is talking about jobs tonight, and I want to be clear: This bill is jobs. If the EPA rules go into effect, nearly 20,000 jobs will be lost due to plant closures and inflated construction costs. EPA's current rules threaten to shut down 20 percent of the Nation's cement manufacturing plants in the next 2 years, sending thousands of jobs permanently overseas and driving up cement and construction costs across the country. Cement is the backbone for the construction of our Nation's buildings, roads, bridges, tunnels and critical water and wastewater treatment infrastructure. For both of these bills, our goal is to ensure effective regulation. I have four letters I would like to introduce to this committee, and they are from the International Brotherhood of Boilermakers, Iron Ship Building and Blacksmith Forgers and Helpers, the National Association of Manufacturers, 25 Members of the U.S. Senate, and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, and I would like to submit these four letters in support of the Cement Sector Regulatory Relief Act for the record. [The information follows:] [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] Mr. Whitfield. Thank you. At this time I recognize the ranking member of the full committee, the gentleman from California, Mr. Waxman, for his opening statement. OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. HENRY A. WAXMAN, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF CALIFORNIA Mr. Waxman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Cancer, birth defects, brain damage--we have long known that toxic air pollutants such as mercury, arsenic, dioxin, lead, and PCBs can cause these serious health effects. So when Congress passed the Clean Air Act in 1970, we included section 112 to address the public health threat posed by hazardous air pollutants. EPA was required to regulate substances that even at low levels of exposure cause cancer, reproductive disorders, neurological effects, or other serious illnesses. Unfortunately, over the next 20 years, it became clear that the 1970 law was not working. Out of the scores of known toxic air pollutants, only eight pollutants were listed as hazardous and only seven were regulated. In 1986, industry reported that more than 70 percent of pollution sources were using no pollution controls. In 1990, we fixed section 112 on a bipartisan basis to deliver the public health protection the American people wanted. The new program was designed to make EPA's job simpler. Instead of requiring laborious pollutant-by-pollutant risk assessments, Congress listed 187 toxic air pollutants and directed EPA to set standards for categories of sources. The standards have to require use of the maximum achievable control technology. For existing sources, this means that the emission standard has to be at least as clean as the average emissions levels achieved by the best performing 12 percent of similar sources. This approach has worked well. EPA will testify today that industrial emissions of carcinogens and other highly toxic chemicals have been reduced by 1.7 million tons each year through actions taken by more than 170 industries. EPA has reduced pollution from dozens of industrial sectors, from boat manufacturing to fabric printing, from lead smelters to pesticide manufacturing. But a few large source categories still have not been required to control toxic air pollution due to delays and litigation. These include utilities, industrial boilers and cement plants. EPA's efforts to finally reduce toxic air pollution from these sources are long, long overdue. The bills we consider today would block and indefinitely delay EPA's efforts to make good on a 40-year-old promise to the American people that toxic air pollutants will be controlled. They would also rewrite the MACT standards once again, this time to weaken the protections and set up new hurdles for EPA rules. We are told that these bills simply give EPA the time they requested to get the rules right. That is nonsense. EPA asked the court to allow them until April 2012 to issue the boiler rules. The boiler bill nullifies the existing rules and prohibits EPA from issuing new rules before March 2013 or later, assuming enactment this year. The bill also allows an indefinite delay after that by eliminating the Clean Air Act deadlines for rulemaking and setting no new deadlines. The cement bill contains the same nullification of existing rules, prohibition on rulemaking, and indefinite delay of new rules, even though the rules are already final and in effect, and EPA never asked for additional time for those rules. On top of these delays, the bills would delay air quality improvements for at least 5 years after any rules were issued and potentially far longer. In fact there is no limit in the bill for how long sources may have to comply. That means that infants and children in our communities will continue to be exposed to mercury and carcinogens from these facilities until 2018 or later. And we are told that these bills provide direction and support for EPA to add flexibility and make the rules achievable. In fact, the language is ambiguous, and an argument could be made that section 5 of the bills overrides the existing criteria for setting air toxic standards. If so, those changes are dramatic. Instead of setting numeric emissions limits, EPA could be required to set only work practice standards, and EPA might be prohibited from setting a standard if it couldn't be met by every existing source, even if all of the better-performing similar sources were meeting it. At a minimum, these changes guarantee substantial additional uncertainty and litigation, which benefits only the lawyers. Forty years ago, Congress determined that we must control toxic air pollution to protect Americans from cancer, neurological effects and birth defects. Today, EPA is working to finally implement that directive for some of the largest uncontrolled sources of mercury and other toxic air pollution. These bills would stop those efforts, allowing Americans to continue to breathe toxics for years or decades. That would be shameful. I hear my Republican colleagues say jobs, jobs, jobs. Let me repeat: birth defects, cancer, neurological diseases, unborn babies that will be killed from mercury, newly born babies that will be poisoned by these toxic air pollutants. If that is the legacy the Republicans want, it is a legacy I want no part of. Yield back my time. Mr. Whitfield. At this time I recognize the gentleman from Virginia, Mr. Griffith, for a 5-minute opening statement. Mr. Griffith. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I would like to yield 1 minute of my time to the gentlelady from Washington, Ms. McMorris Rodgers. OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CATHY MCMORRIS RODGERS, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF WASHINGTON Ms. McMorris Rodgers. Thank you for yielding. Like my colleagues, I have spent the last 5 weeks holding town halls, roundtable discussions, talking with small business owners, farmers, manufacturers, technology companies, and my take away is, people are quite concerned that our country is headed in the wrong direction, and whether I was up in Colville or down in Clarkston, the message is clear: the Federal Government is making it harder to create jobs in America. The frustration and uncertainty caused by the Federal Government's regulatory overreach is smothering any possible economic recovery. According to a study conducted by the Council of Industrial Boiler Owners, if left final, every billion dollars, $1 billion spent on mandatory upgrades to comply with the boiler MACT rules puts 16,000 jobs at risk. The full cost of these rules alone could be $14.5 billion. That is 224,000 jobs at risk. In eastern Washington, one of the key employers, Ponderay Newsprint, will be forced to spend $8 million. That is money that they won't spend hiring new workers. I thank the chairman for moving forward to these bills and look forward to the testimony. Mr. Griffith. Claiming back my time, Mr. Chairman, I would also yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas, Mr. Olson. OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. PETE OLSON, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF TEXAS Mr. Olson. I thank my colleague, and thank you, Mr. Chairman, for holding this hearing to discuss two important pieces of legislation that would help rein in the Environmental Protection Agency that is out of control and out of touch with reality. The EPA continues to move at full speed ahead with their politically motivated agenda to eliminate affordable and reliable fuel for our Nation's energy portfolio. The overly burdensome regulations that we will discuss today truly reveal this Administration's disregard for our jobs crisis. Left unchecked, these EPA regulations will result in more businesses closing their doors and even more American jobs shipped overseas. This is why I am an original cosponsor of one of the bills before us, H.R. 2250, the EPA Regulatory Relief Act of 2011. This bill would give EPA the time that they requested to correct the seriously flawed boiler MACT rules and keep American jobs here at home. I thank my colleague for the time and yield back. [The prepared statement of Mr. Olson follows:] [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. H. MORGAN GRIFFITH, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA Mr. Griffith. Claiming back my time, Mr. Chairman, I would like to introduce into the record the following letters in support of H.R. 2250, the EPA Regulatory Relief Act of 2011, and I have my copy here but I believe staff has a copy for you, Mr. Chairman, and if I might, Mr. Chairman, go over those letters. We have a list of 31 different letters in the packet. The first one is the National Association of Manufacturers, which has 292 signatories from different industry groups, the American Chemistry Council, the American Forest and Paper Association--these are separate letters I am going over now-- the American Forest and Paper Association, American Wood Council, Americans for Prosperity, American Home Furnishing Alliance, American Municipal Power Inc., Ohio Municipal Electric Association, Association of American Railroads, Biomass Power Association, Boise Inc. a Business Roundtable statement on the introduction of the bill, Chamber of Commerce, Corn Refiners Association, Council of Industrial Boiler Owners, Domtar, the Florida State Council, the Florida Sugar Industry, Industrial Energy Consumers of America, the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, International Paper, Louisiana Pacific Corporation, MeadWestvaco Corporation, National Association of Manufacturers, National Construction Alliance, National Federation of Independent Businesses, National Oilseed Processors Association, National Solid Wastes Management Association, Society of Chemical Manufacturers and Affiliates, South Carolina Manufacturers Alliance, Texas Forest Industries Council, the Virginia Manufacturers Association and the Wisconsin Paper Council. Mr. Chairman, may those be introduced into the record? Mr. Whitfield. Without objection. [The information follows:] [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] Mr. Griffith. Further, Mr. Chairman, I would like to introduce into the record a September 2011 study entitled ``The Economic Impact of Pending Air Regulations on the U.S. Pulp and Paper Industry.'' May that be introduced into the record, Mr. Chairman? Mr. Whitfield. Without objection. [The information follows:] [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] Mr. Griffith. Mr. Chairman, all of these groups are concerned because of jobs. There is no question about that. And in fact, the study that I just put in shows that a threat that the bills if not enacted, boiler MACT threatens 20,000 jobs, 18 percent of the industry and roughly 36 pulp and paper mills. As you know, my district includes pulp and paper mills, chemical processors. We have employees who work at cement factories. These are extremely important bills. The EPA has gotten to a point where they are killing jobs, whether they mean to or not. They may not see that as a concern, but to the American people, it is a great concern. In regard to the health concerns, Mr. Chairman, we are not unsympathetic to health concerns but we would like to see evidence that actually shows that these regulations would in fact, not extrapolated theories or models, but would in fact cause the problems that the previous gentleman referenced, and then there is the concern that I am always raising and in fact had a little amendment in that many of my colleagues on the other side agreed to that would actually ask for a study of what the impacts are of the pollution coming from overseas in the air stream to the United States of America and in part because we have put so many regulations on our businesses, many of those jobs have moved to countries where the regulations are nowhere near what we have. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I appreciate the time. Mr. Whitfield. Mr. Rush is on his way here. His plane was delayed, and when he arrives, we will give him an opportunity to make an opening statement, but at this time I would like to proceed with the panel. On our first panel, we have the Honorable Gina McCarthy, who is the Assistant Administrator, Office of Air and Radiation, U.S. Environmental Protection Agency. Ms. McCarthy, we welcome you here today. I would like to say that John Shimkus and I do appreciate your taking time to have a conference call with us relating to some specific problems of the Prairie State plant, and we thank you for working with us on that important project. Now, I would also point out something else to you. On Wednesday, August 24, over 2 weeks ago, we talked to EPA about this hearing today, and you all had plenty of advance notice about this hearing. We also accommodated the request that EPA would be the sole witness on the first panel of this hearing. The two pieces of legislation that we are considering today are a mere 15 pages total so there is not that much to prepare for, and our committee has expressed, requested and required that witnesses' testimony be submitted 2 working days in advance of the hearing to give us an opportunity to review it completely and make these hearings more meaningful, and we received your testimony last night at 7:00, and this really is not acceptable. It does not allow us the time to prepare, and I hope that you would talk to your staff or whoever is responsible for this to make sure in the future when we have these hearings that we are able to get the testimony at least 2 days in advance. So at this time, Ms. McCarthy, I would like to recognize you for your opening statement. STATEMENT OF REGINA MCCARTHY, ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR, OFFICE OF AIR AND RADIATION, ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION AGENCY Ms. McCarthy. Thank you, Chairman Whitfield. First of all, you are more than welcome for the work on Prairie State. Thank you, and thank Congressman Shimkus for bringing that to my attention. It worked out very well, I think for the environment and the company, so thank you so much. And let me apologize for the tardiness of my testimony. Regardless of who is responsible, it is my responsibility to see that we meet the needs of the committee, and I will take-- my personal attention will go to that in the future, so I apologize for that. So Chairman Whitfield and members of the subcommittee, first of all, thank you for inviting me here to testify. The Administration has major concerns with these two bills. They are a clear attempt to roll back public health protections of the kind that have been in place as part of the Clean Air Act for decades. For 40 years, the Clean Air Act has made steady progress in reducing air pollution. In the last year alone, programs established since 1990 are estimated to have reduced premature mortality risks equivalent to saving over 160,000 lives. They have also enhanced productivity by preventing 13 million lost workdays and kept kids healthy and in school, avoiding 3.2 million lost school days. History has shown repeatedly that we can clean up pollution, create jobs and grow our economy. Since 1970, key air pollutants have decreased more than 60 percent while our economy has grown by over 200 percent. Every dollar we spend cleaning up the air has given us over $30 in benefits. EPA standards to limit air toxic emissions from boilers, incinerators and cement kilns continue that success story. Today's bills, which directly attack the core of the Clean Air Act, raise a number of serious issues. Most importantly they would indefinitely delay the important health benefits from national limits of air toxics, toxic pollution including mercury, which can result in damage to developing nervous systems of unborn babies and young children, impairing children's ability to think and to learn. These bills do not simply give EPA more time to finalize more rules. Rather, they would prohibit EPA from finalizing replacement rules prior to at least as early as March 2013 at best. It would prohibit EPA from requiring compliance until at least 5 years after the rules are finalized and it would fail to set any new deadlines for either EPA action or for compliance. Combined, these provisions make it clear that the authors have no time in mind for when these delayed public health benefits would be delivered to American families. Just to be clear, the timeline in the boiler bill is not what EPA told the court we needed. We asked for an April 2012 deadline, not a prohibition on finalizing standards prior to March 2013. We are currently reconsidering the boiler standards for major sources. We have stayed those standards. We have used the administrative process to do that. We intend to finalize the reconsideration process by the end of April 2012. Both the boiler and cement bills would indefinitely delay important public health protections and would create minimum delays lasting at least 3 years for the boiler standards and almost 5 years for the cement standards. As a result, combined, even minimum delays in these bills would cause tens of thousands of additional premature deaths, tens of thousands of additional heart attacks, and hundreds of thousands of additional asthma attacks that would be avoided under the existing boiler and cement standards that we have either promulgated or will promulgate in the very near future. We also have serious concerns with section 5 of each of these bills. The language is unclear but we certainly anticipate that some in industry would argue that this section would substantially weaken the act by overriding the current provisions for setting minimum MACT standards. So the mere assertion that EPA regulations are job killers should not justify sacrificing these significant public health benefits. Some studies have found that the Clean Air Act actually increased the size of the U.S. economy because of lower demand for health care and a healthier, more productive workforce. Another study found a small net gain in jobs due to additional environmental spending in the four industries studied. EPA standards under the Clean Air Act will encourage investments in labor-intensive upgrades that can put current unemployed Americans back to work. These standards at issue today will provide public health benefits without imposing hardship on American economy or jeopardizing American job creation. It is terrifically misleading to say that implementation of the Clean Air Act costs jobs. It does not. Families should never have to choose between a job and healthy air. They are entitled to both. And as the President recently said, the Administration would continue to vigorously oppose efforts to weaken EPA's authority under the Clean Air Act or dismantle the progress we have made. I look forward to taking your questions, and thank you for the opportunity. [The prepared statement of Ms. McCarthy follows:] [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] Mr. Whitfield. Thank you, Ms. McCarthy. Of these five rules, of course EPA itself went to the courts and asked for additional time for three of them, and all this legislation does, it gives you 15 months to re-propose and finalize these rules, so it is not like we are saying never implement them. But let me ask you a question. In your time at EPA, has there ever been a time when a proposed regulation that the cost exceeded the benefits that you are aware of? Ms. McCarthy. In hindsight, I do not know of one, no. And you asked me about the exact cost, the cost as it is born out? Mr. Whitfield. Yes, and as far as you know, you are not aware of one? Ms. McCarthy. The bills that I am familiar with have proven to be much less expensive than anticipated and the benefits have been significant. Mr. Whitfield. Now, you made the comment that these regulations do not cost jobs, and I maybe missed part of it, but even your own estimate on the cement rule says that it will cost up to 1,500 jobs. Ms. McCarthy. Well, let me clarify the job numbers because what we see is that because of the sensitivities of the modeling, we both project that there could be some losses and some gains but we look for the central estimate of what we actually anticipate will be the end result. Mr. Whitfield. How do you calculate the cost of a job lost? Ms. McCarthy. There are actually peer-reviewed models and standards that we use and we go through the interagency process to ensure---- Mr. Whitfield. Do you know what the---- Ms. McCarthy [continuing]. With the executive---- Mr. Whitfield. Do you know what the figure is? Ms. McCarthy. I do not know, actually. Mr. Whitfield. Do you consider the cost of lost health benefits created by job loss? Ms. McCarthy. I do not know the answer to that question. What I do know, Mr. Chairman, is we do a complete regulatory impact analysis that looks at direct economic impacts in the immediate future. In the immediate past, this Administration has really stepped up in terms of doing additional job analysis. Mr. Whitfield. Would you all sit down with us and go over with us the models that you use and the process that you use in determining cost and benefits? Ms. McCarthy. I will. All of the processes that we use are peer-reviewed. They are open to the public. They have been identified by the Administration as those that are most appropriate, and they are available to everyone to take a look at. Mr. Whitfield. Now, when you make these comments that we are going to prevent 18,110 cases of asthma in the future, that really sounds pretty subjective to me, and to most people. So I think there are some legitimate concerns here about cost- benefit analysis and particularly when you have said yourself since you have been at EPA, the costs have never exceeded the benefits. On the boiler MACT, for example, the industry itself says that it is going to be $14.4 billion in new costs, that there are at risk 224,000 jobs. On the cement, they say capital costs $3.4 billion plus 4 billion additional capital costs for the incinerator rule, threaten shutdown of 18 plants by 2013 and four additional plants by 2015. The two rules combined directly threaten up to 4,000 jobs by 2015 and indirectly 12,000 jobs. And all the literature that I have ever read talks about when people lose jobs, it has an impact on the health care of them and their families, and as far as I know, EPA has never considered the cost of additional health care required because someone loses a job, and I don't understand how that is possible, why that is not a legitimate cost. Now, I know that in California and Oregon under this new cement rule, EPA has recognized that two of these plants cannot meet the new cement MACT standards even with the most state-of- the-art pollution controls, and because of the type of limestone in those areas, and I know that EPA has been asked to create a subcategory for these two plants so that the rules are at least technically achievable, and EPA has refused. Now, why would EPA refuse to create a subcategory for these two plants that cannot in any way meet the standards? Ms. McCarthy. Mr. Whitfield, I am happy to spend as much time as you would like to go through the modeling that we do and the analysis we do for costs as well as benefits, but I think it is appropriate to talk about both costs and benefits and to look at whether or not the benefits far exceed the costs, which in these rules they do. Secondly, in terms of the Portland Cement, there were a couple of facilities that we actually worked with and we continue to work with closely. We have identified that there are significant opportunities for early reductions of mercury for those technologies with currently available technologies, and they are now working with us in terms of what other technology advances may be available to them so that we can ensure that they will be in compliance and we can make sure that that rule for them becomes achievable. So we are working with those two companies. There are many reasons why we look at subcategorization but the Clean Air Act does limit our ability to look at subcategorization and it does in order to make sure that we are advancing the right technologies moving forward where we are dealing with the most toxic pollution that we have and the impacts associated. Mr. Whitfield. I would just make one comment. My time is expired. But you have talked about mercury, Mr. Waxman has talked about mercury, and it is my understanding the benefits of the reduction in mercury was not even included in the benefits. The benefits come from the reduction of particulate matter. Ms. McCarthy. The benefits would--the benefits to mercury were not calculated. The benefits to particulate matter so outweighed the costs that it wasn't worth the effort, frankly. Mr. Whitfield. OK. Mr. Rush, sorry your plane was late. We are delighted you are here. Would you like to give your opening statement now? Mr. Rush. Yes, Mr. Chairman, since the line of questioning that you were traveling I kind of don't necessarily agree with, so I think I will give my opening statement. I want to thank you for your indulgence, and I want to thank you for allowing me to have the opening statement and my questions. Mr. Whitfield. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes. OPENING STATEMENT OF BOBBY L. RUSH, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF ILLINOIS Mr. Rush. Mr. Chairman, today we are holding a hearing on two bills, H.R. 2250, the so-called EPA Regulatory Relief Act of 2011, and H.R. 2681, the Cement Sector Regulatory Relief Act of 2011. Mr. Chairman, in the 1990 Clean Air Act Amendments, Congress directed the EPA to take a technologically based approach to reduce hazardous air pollutants, or HAPs, which are pollutants known or suspected of causing cancer and other serious health effects such as reproductive and birth defects, neurological effects and adverse environmental impacts. For example, mercury is a hazardous air pollutant of particular concern because it is emitted into the air and then deposited into bodies of water where it contaminates fish and other aquatic life. Research shows that pregnant and nursing women, women who may become pregnant and young children who eat large amounts of fish that is mercury-contaminated are especially at risk because mercury damages the developing brain and reduces IQ and the ability to learn. In order to address the entire suite of hazardous air toxins relatively quickly and using readily available technology, Section 112 of the Clean Air Act requires EPA to develop regulations for distinct source categories such as power plants and cement kiln that set specific emission limits based on emission levels already being achieved by other facilities. These regulations, or MACT standards, require that for existing sources, the emission standard must be at least as stringent as the average emissions achieved by the best performing 12 percent of sources in that source category. As I understand it, the rules targeted by these two pieces of legislation are already years behind of when they were supposed to have been finalized, but yet these two bills, H.R. 2250 and H.R. 2681, would further delay these rules and push action on them further down the road even to the point of indefinitely. Besides postponing issuance and implementation of these rules indefinitely, these two bills would also undermine EPA's authority to require application of the best performing emissions control technology while also weakening the more stringent monitoring, reporting and pollution control requirements required in the Clean Air Act under Section 129. Mr. Chairman, for many constituents paying attention to the action of this committee and this Congress, it will appear that the intent of these two pieces of legislation is not really to delay these rules but to kill them off altogether to the benefit of some in the industry and to the detriment of the American public as a whole. So Mr. Chairman, I am waiting to hear some testimony from all the panelists today because as of yet, it is still unclear why Congress should force the EPA once again to halt or delay implementation of rules that would protect the public health when everyone including industry knows that these regulations were coming down the pike for almost a decade now. Mr. Chairman, that concludes my opening statement, and I will now have my 5 minutes of questioning. Mr. Whitfield. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes. Mr. Rush. Ms. McCarthy, thank you so very much for being here once again. You have a really tough job before this subcommittee, and I empathize with you. You have been a regular here on the witness panel for many hearings, and your expertise and your honesty with this subcommittee is commendable. There seems to be a misinformation campaign going on around precisely when these rules were scheduled to be issued and implemented and when EPA actually promulgated them. For the record, can you clear up this issue once and for all and provide a timeline for when EPA was initially scheduled to act on these rules by law and when EPA actually did issue these rules. Were there regulations issued in secret so as to surprise industry in order to knock them off guard, knock them off their game and then you come in, the EPA, as a thief in the night with a bunch of rules and regulations that would have detrimentally affected industry, or did EPA take into account any of the input from industry concerning costs or other factors before reissuing these new rules? Ms. McCarthy. I am happy to clarify. I always appreciate the respect with which we work with one another, so it is my honor to be here and answer these questions. I would just clarify that the Administration actually promulgated the rules associated with Portland Cement in August of 2010. That means we can enjoy significant reductions in toxic pollution as early as August of 2013. Now, this rule would delay those benefits for a minimum of 5 years. It will push out both the timeline. It would actually vacate those rules, require us to propose them, set a timeline far in advance that is almost close to the compliance timeline for when we might actually promulgate those rules, and there is no sense of what the compliance timeline might be for those. In terms of the boiler MACT rules and the incinerator rules, those rules were finalized in February of 2011. The agency took the unusual administrative step to actually stay those rules. We announced that in May. We are on target to re-propose those rules in October and finalize them in April, April of 2012, so we are going to enjoy the reductions in toxic pollution from those rules as early as 2015. Again, this bill, these bills would push that benefit and those benefits out to at least 3 more years and so there is no question that this is not the bill or the timeline that EPA was seeking or asked for or is welcoming. Mr. Rush. So was industry made aware, were they at the table or did you do this in a backroom with no input from industry? Ms. McCarthy. Unfortunately, these are a series of rules that were tried before and brought to court. They are rules that have been long overdue. The 1990 Clean Air Act expected them to be done in 2000, and here we are in 2011 continuing to debate just the timeline. And so I would--these went through normal public comment and notice. We have had considerable discussion. The boiler MACT rules will go through another public notice and comment process but we can get these done, and we can get these done without any assistance needed from the legislature using the administrative process. Mr. Rush. So these bills that are before this committee right now, these bills would not in any way assist the EPA or the American public in terms of having a set of standards that both industry and the EPA agree on and that will benefit the American public in terms of having known standard. Is that correct? Ms. McCarthy. That is correct. We are on target to deliver substantial public health benefits with the Portland Cement rule that's already been finalized. It would vacate that rule entirely. We are on target to finalize the boiler rule after public comment next year, early next year in April. We did not ask for this. We do not need this. It is in the administrative process. We are continuing to use administrative remedies to address any concerns associated with these rules. And also, the significant concern that the rule doesn't just deal with timing, it does deal with substance. It raises concern about what the standards are that we are supposed to achieve, the compliance timelines associated with that. It raises significant uncertainty about whether or not we can move this forward and what standards would need to be applied. Mr. Rush. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back the balance of my time. Mr. Whitfield. As this time I recognize the gentleman from Texas for 5 minutes for questioning, Mr. Barton. Mr. Barton. Thank you. Madam Administrator, in your written testimony you acknowledge some report that specifically mentions pulp and paper, refining, iron and steel and plastic in this report or study shows that they can't find any significant change in employment because of increased spending on environmental issues. Have you driven through Ohio or Pennsylvania recently? Ms. McCarthy. Actually, I have, yes. Mr. Barton. Is there any community you went through that you didn't see a plant that had been shut down? Ms. McCarthy. I can't say that I traveled the roads that you are talking about but there is no question that there has been significant challenges---- Mr. Barton. So you did---- Ms. McCarthy [continuing]. In the manufacturing sector. Mr. Barton. You saw plants that were shut down? Ms. McCarthy. The question is whether or not they are attributable to environmental regulations or to economic issues in general. Mr. Barton. Of the industries that are mentioned specifically in your testimony, pulp and paper, refining, iron and steel and plastic, are there any of those industries that employment is up as, say, compared to 20 years ago? Ms. McCarthy. I don't know that answer. Mr. Barton. Oh, you do know the answer. The answer is no. Would you have your staff look at employment, let us say, base case 1990? Do you want to go back to 1970 and compare it to 2010 and provide that for the committee? Because in every one of those instances, and you know this, employment is not only down, it is significantly down, and you know that. You are too smart of a person. So to sit here and tell this subcommittee that we can do all these great things in the environment and not have an impact on the employment, my good friend here, Mr. Walden from Oregon, just told me that the pulp and paper industry in his State is about 90 percent gone, 90 percent. One of the rules that we are looking at is cement. I have got three cements plants in my Congressional district. I just met with one of the companies during the August break. Their business is 40 percent down, 40 percent. They are shutting one kiln, and this is just one company. The cement rules that would be implemented if we don't move these bills cost more to implement than the entire profit of the entire industry, and you don't think that is going to have an impact on jobs? Now, on the other hand, the health benefits, my good friend, Mr. Waxman, talked about all the potential negative impacts of mercury and some of these other pollutants, and those are real. Mercury is a poison. Mercury is a pollutant. But because of all the things that we have done over the past 40 years, the number of birth defects because of mercury is, I would think, significantly down. Now, I don't know that but that is my assumption. Do you know how many birth defects in the last 10 years have been as a consequence of mercury? Are there any facts on that? Ms. McCarthy. I certainly could get back to you, Congressman, but what we tend to look at is what the status of the industry is now and what impact our rule might have on that industry moving forward. Mr. Barton. And I want to stipulate that I think you and Mrs. Jackson are people of good character and integrity and you are doing the best job that you can in your agency, but over and over and over again we get these not really science-based facts to justify these rules, and if we have a problem with mercury, it would show up in birth defects and premature deaths and you could go to the medical records and prove it and justify it, but that is not the case. These are all probabilistic models of what might happen, not what is happening. Do you understand what I am--you know, we need-- there is not a member on either side of the aisle of this committee or this subcommittee, if we have a problem, we will address it, but let us at least be able to actually identify the health problem and because of the successes in the Clean Air Act and other environmental bills in the past, we don't have--those numbers are not there. And my time is expired by 40 seconds. Mr. Whitfield. Thank you. At this time I will recognize the gentleman from California, Mr. Waxman, for 5 minutes. Mr. Waxman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Ms. McCarthy, if your regulations were not science-based, would they stand up in court for 1 minute? Ms. McCarthy. No. Mr. Waxman. You must base your regulations on the science, and you have to get your figures on the impacts based on a peer-review process. Is that correct? Ms. McCarthy. That is correct. Mr. Waxman. Now, let me just say to you and everybody else on this committee, the statements I have heard members make and the numbers they have thrown out have not been scrutinized by anybody except they have been given to the members by the industry or they made them up out of whole cloth. I would like to see some of those figures scrutinized carefully. But Mr. Barton talked about all these plants that are now closed. Your regulations have not even gone into effect. They are closed because of the recession. They are closed because of, my Republican colleagues insist, the deficit, which we inherited for the most part from the Bush Administration. We also inherited the recession from the Bush Administration. Our country is struggling, and to say that the environmental rules are responsible, how could that be if these rules have not yet been in effect? Can you explain that to me? Ms. McCarthy. In fact, Congressman, for the rules that we are talking about today for mercury, there is no national standard in these sectors. These are the largest sources of mercury emissions from stationary facilities and yet there are no national standards to date. So I don't think you can attribute standards in the future that this bill would make potentially way in the future for the closures that you are seeing today. Mr. Waxman. Well, Mr. Barton said that the cost of compliance would be more than the entire profit of the whole industry. I don't know where he got that figure, but do you have any idea of that could be accurate? Ms. McCarthy. I can give you the figures by sector of what we believe the costs are associated with this bill. The costs for the---- Mr. Waxman. Well, if you gave us those costs, would that wipe out the profits that the industries have and they would all have to close as a result? Ms. McCarthy. In our assessment, we do not believe there would be broad closures as a result of any of these rules. We believe there would be job growth. We believe that they are manageable, that they are cost-effective and the technology is available to be installed. Mr. Waxman. Mr. Barton just said, well, we have done a lot of things to lower birth defects because of mercury, and he asked you whether that is accurate or not. Now, whether it is accurate or not, it sounds like we are ready to celebrate fewer birth defects, not trying to reduce birth defects even more. I don't ask that as a question, I just ask it as a statement of incredulity. Proponents of these bills suggest they are simply giving the EPA the time it requested to get the rules right and provide some additional flexibilities to reduce the burdens. I would like to get your views on this. Could you explain what the boiler bill that has been introduced does to the timing of the boiler rules that you are proposing? Ms. McCarthy. Yes, the timing of these rules in terms of the boiler rules, as I indicated, we intend to finalize them in April. That means they will be in effect and we will be achieving these reductions in 3 years. This rule would at the very earliest only allow us to finalize those rules almost a full year later, which would delay compliance considerably, and these rules would also call into question and add uncertainty about how we establish the standards for these rules, and in fact, it would take away any timeline for compliance. Mr. Waxman. In fact, the bill eliminates any deadline for action, allowing indefinite delay. That is fundamentally different from requesting a specific limited extension of time. But this is not all the bills do. Section 5 of both bills may complete change the criteria Congress established in 1990 for how EPA must set limits for air toxics. I say ``may'' because the language appears to be ambiguous. Ms. McCarthy, what is the legal effect of this language in EPA's view? Ms. McCarthy. Well, we are clearly concerned that it would raise legal uncertainty. We are concerned that industry would argue that these provisions modify or supersede existing Clean Air Act provisions that have governed these toxic standards since 1990. In particular, we anticipate that industry would argue that EPA would be required to set standards below the current MACT floor and to use a different process for setting that standard, one that identifies the least burden option. I don't even know who that burden would be assessed for. Would it be the regulated industry or the breathing public. Mr. Waxman. In the case of the bill, it says require the least burdensome regulations including work practice standards. Current law allows work practice standards only if the Administrator decides a numeric emissions is not feasible. Maybe you can help us to make heads and tail of this. If the new language does not trump the current law, would it have any effect? In other words, in the boiler rule, is there a situation where you can determine a numeric standard wasn't feasible but still refuse to work practice standards? Ms. McCarthy. No. In fact, between proposal and final, we made a determination on the basis of comments that there were boilers where limits were not feasibly achieved and we have gone to work practice standards. Mr. Waxman. And if it does trump the current law, would EPA be able to set numeric emissions limits for any pollutants from any boilers? Ms. McCarthy. It is unclear. Mr. Waxman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Whitfield. At this time I recognize the gentleman from Oklahoma, Mr. Sullivan, for 5 minutes. Mr. Sullivan. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Ms. McCarthy, I disagree with your statement, with your testimony that H.R. 2681 halts Clean Air Act achievements. H.R. 2681 does not halt regulation of cement facilities. It does take the policy position that EPA is regulating too much, too fast and that we need commonsense rules that protect our communities including the jobs they depend upon. The cement sector has expressed major concerns with the workability and the timeline for implementing EPA's recent cement MACT and related rules affecting cement kilns. Would you agree there are legitimate concerns about technical aspects of the cement sector rules? Ms. McCarthy. I would agree that concerns have been expressed but I believe that the final rule is appropriate and necessary and can be achieved. Mr. Sullivan. Would you agree there are legitimate concerns with the compliance timeline for implementing the rules? Ms. McCarthy. I believe that a number of concerns have been expressed, but again, I believe the timelines can be achieved. Mr. Sullivan. EPA stayed the major source boiler MACT and the CISWI rule. Why have you not also stayed the cement MACT rule as well, given it is so intertwined with the CISWI rule? Ms. McCarthy. The Portland Cement rule was finalized earlier. We do not believe that there was significant concern raised about any of the standards or how do achieve those that would warrant a stay unlike the boiler rule and the CISWI rule where we identified that there was significant changes between proposal and final that deserve to have additional public notice and comment. So that is why we have stayed those rules in order to achieve that notice and comment process and to finalize those expeditiously. That was not the case with Portland Cement and it is highly unusual for the agency to stay a rule, and clearly there was no reason to do that for Portland Cement. Mr. Sullivan. How could you not have at least concerns when you are going to shut down 18 plants, though? Why couldn't you---- Ms. McCarthy. I am not exactly sure where those numbers are coming from. I do believe in our economic analysis we indicated that the industry itself was facing low demand for its products, that there was significant challenges associated with that. We certainly in no way attributed closures of 18 facilities to these rules. Mr. Sullivan. EPA's cement MACT rule published in September 2010 affects 158 cement kilns located at cement plants throughout the United States. How many of those cement kilns currently meet the emission limits and other requirements established by this rule? Are there any? Ms. McCarthy. As far I know, there are new facilities being constructed that will achieve those standards but at this point I do not believe there is a single facility that is meeting the standards, most notably because most of them have not been under national standards and they have not voluntarily decided to achieve these types of reductions. Mr. Sullivan. Does the Administration have any concerns about the potential importing of cement as a result of forcing the idling or permanent shuttering of U.S. cement plants? The President has stated that new infrastructure projects, roads and bridges, will be a big part of his jobs package. Together with EPA's cement rules, are we supposed to build those roads and bridges with Chinese cement? Did you know that China already makes 28 times more cement than the United States? Ms. McCarthy. We actually did look at this issue when we developed our economic analysis, and it is in the records. We are clearly concerned about the health of U.S. industry. There is no question about that. We did not believe that this rule would have a significant impact in terms of the amount of imported cement that would be coming into this country as a result of compliance. Mr. Sullivan. Thank you. I yield back. Mr. Whitfield. At this time I would like to recognize the gentleman from Michigan, Mr. Dingell, for 5 minutes. Mr. Dingell. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I ask unanimous consent to insert into the record my opening statement, which I think everybody will find enlightening, well written, entertaining, and I believe, valuable from the point of information. Mr. Whitfield. Thank you for providing it to us. [The prepared statement of Mr. Dingell follows:] [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] Mr. Dingell. I find myself, Mr. Chairman, somewhat distressed here. I have heard general conclusions from the witness but I have heard nothing in the way of hard statements that relate to what it is this committee needs to know and justification for the legislation, and I have not heard any clear statements from the committee or its members about exactly what is the situation with regard to the impact of this legislation or the EPA's action with regard to the rules, and Madam Administrator, I find that to be somewhat distressing. So I will be submitting to you a letter shortly in which I hope we will get some better details on this. For example, are you able to make the categorical statement that none of these plants being closed are being closed because of the action of EPA? Yes or no. Ms. McCarthy. I apologize. I think I would indicate that we have in the record our economic analysis that looks at these issues. Because of the sensitivity of that, it will have different impacts-- Mr. Dingell. Simplify my problem by telling me yes, that these will be closed because of the action of EPA, or no, they will not be closed because of the action of EPA. That is a fairly simple conclusion and I hope that you would be able to just give me yes or no on the matter. Ms. McCarthy. Well, we don't believe that there will be significant closures as a result. I cannot indicate whether it will impact a single closure. Mr. Dingell. You are under the law permitted to choose amongst the alternatives. You may not take action on the basis of cost alone. But once the question of the most effective way of addressing this from the scientific and health standpoint has been reached, you are then permitted to choose that rule or rather that approach which costs the least and which is most helpful in terms of the industry. Isn't that so? Yes or no. Ms. McCarthy. Yes. Mr. Dingell. Now, having said this, have you done that? Ms. McCarthy. Yes. Mr. Dingell. Where is it stated in the rule, if you please? Submit that for the record to us. And I ask unanimous consent, Mr. Chairman, that the record be kept open so we can get that information. Mr. Whitfield. Without objection. Mr. Dingell. Now, I know that our economy has grown over 200 percent since the Clean Air Act of 1970, and key pollutants have been reduced by 60 percent. I regard that as a good thing, and it is an example that we can count on the law to do both of the things that the Congress wanted when we wrote the original legislation. Now, we find that these things cause us considerable problems with regard to business certainty. I note that nobody seems to know about the certainty about how these rules are going to be enacted. Has the EPA given thought to establishing the certainty that business needs to accomplish its purposes? Yes or no. Ms. McCarthy. Yes. Mr. Dingell. All right. Now, am I correct that H.R. 2250 would vacate the area source rules and require EPA to reissue them? Yes or no. Ms. McCarthy. Yes. Mr. Dingell. Area source boilers are smaller boilers such as ones at hospitals and other institutional and commercial facilities. What is it that they would have to do under this rule? I would like to have that submitted for the record in a clear statement, and I ask unanimous consent that the record stay open for that purpose, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Whitfield. Without objection. Mr. Dingell. Now, I also understand that some area sources have complained that they will not be able to meet the tune-up requirement by the deadline in your legislation, or rather in your regulation, and asked you to reconsider the deadline. Are you reconsidering the deadline? Yes or no. Ms. McCarthy. We are considering that comment and that petition, yes. Mr. Dingell. How soon will you come to a conclusion on that particular point? Ms. McCarthy. Well, we are clearly trying to do that very shortly. Mr. Dingell. It is very clear that if industry cannot meet the requirements, that you should consider this most seriously. Is that not so? Ms. McCarthy. Yes, and we will be considering it in the proposed rule, taking comment and---- Mr. Dingell. Do you have the ability to move the deadline back as a result of the reconsideration process? Yes or no. Ms. McCarthy. Yes. Mr. Dingell. And you would make the clear statement that you would not rule out that action? Is that correct? Ms. McCarthy. No--that is correct. Sorry. Mr. Dingell. Now, in the testimony, he submitted, Mr. Rubright states several times that the regulation is unsustainable. Is that statement correct or not? Ms. McCarthy. No. Mr. Dingell. Should this legislation pass, what do you think the timetable should be to issue final rules regarding these industries? Ms. McCarthy. The timetable that is in the Clean Air Act and the timetable that we have agreed to and that we are on. Mr. Dingell. Now, you indicated you think that the regulation is unsustainable. Why do you make that statement? Or rather that the regulation is sustainable. Why do you make that statement? Ms. McCarthy. Because we have done a complete cost-benefit analysis. We have done the same health-based benefits assessment as we have always done, and we believe that the technology is in place. We have looked at the most cost- effective alternatives to achieve the best benefits that we can. Mr. Dingell. Have you considered his particular concerns and the points that he makes or is this a statement with regard to general findings by the agency? Ms. McCarthy. Both. Mr. Dingell. OK. Now, one last question. Should this legislation pass, what do you think the timetable should be to issue the final rules regarding these industries? If you will give us a quick answer on that and then a more detailed answer for the record, please. Ms. McCarthy. The bill does not establish a timetable. It sets a time before which we cannot issue a rule. Mr. Dingell. What do you suggest should be done with regard to that particular matter? Ms. McCarthy. I think we should continue with the rules under the Clean Air Act as it currently exists. Mr. Dingell. Mr. Chairman, you have been most courteous. Thank you. Mr. Whitfield. Thank you. At this time I recognize the gentleman from Illinois, Mr. Shimkus, for 5 minutes. Mr. Shimkus. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I appreciate Assistant Administrator McCarthy. We have had a good working relationship on some issues, and I think a lot of the issue is time and being able to get people to move in a direction. I think the concern with a lot of these is, and I will do it based upon the numbers, and really it kind of follows up on what Mr. Dingell was talking about, is there will be no time and this will be a major change. You made a statement on the proposed health benefits. If all the major boilers stopped operating, if all the area source boilers were shut down, if we stopped waste incineration, based upon your opening statement, the proposed health benefits from the shutting down of these would go up. Is that correct? Ms. McCarthy. Mr. Shimkus, it is not intention to shut---- Mr. Shimkus. No, I am just--I mean--but that is true based upon the opening statement. If we shut down every boiler---- Ms. McCarthy. It is true that if---- Mr. Shimkus [continuing]. That your---- Ms. McCarthy [continuing]. There is no pollution, then---- Mr. Shimkus. Your proposed health benefits---- Ms. McCarthy [continuing]. Would go away. Mr. Shimkus. Thank you. And these are your numbers. There are major source boilers, 13,840 major source boilers. Is that correct? Ms. McCarthy. That is right. Mr. Shimkus. Do you have an estimation of how many of these boilers will meet your proposed rules as we think they will come out? Ms. McCarthy. Actually, there are boilers in a variety of categories that already meet all of these standards. Mr. Shimkus. I have been told that there are 31 so that 13,809 major source boilers would not comply. Ms. McCarthy. The only thing I would remind you, Mr. Shimkus, is, we are in a reconsideration process. That rule will be re-proposed in October---- Mr. Shimkus. So would it go up to--would there be 800 then or maybe 1,000 of the 13,000? Ms. McCarthy. As you know, we established the standards because it deals with toxic pollution to try to---- Mr. Shimkus. You understand my point that I am making---- Ms. McCarthy [continuing]. Look at the best performing and bring the others up. Mr. Shimkus. OK. You understand the point---- Ms. McCarthy. I do. Mr. Shimkus [continuing]. That I am making that of the area source boilers, you estimate there are 187,000 boilers. We can't get an idea, even industry has no idea based upon what we envision the proposed rules would be that a single one would meet the standard. Ms. McCarthy. On the area source boilers? Mr. Shimkus. Right. Ms. McCarthy. The vast majority of those have no emission standards. They have work practice standards. Most boilers out in commercial and hospital settings actually are natural gas and are governed by this. Of the remainder, unless it is a large coal facility, it---- Mr. Shimkus. No, I am talking about, you know, just the area source boilers. Let us go to the---- Ms. McCarthy. It just needs to do a tune-up every 2 years. Mr. Shimkus. Let us go to the incinerators. You estimate 88 incinerators from your numbers, and do you know the percentage that probably meet the standard? Ms. McCarthy. Three currently meet all standards that I am aware of. Mr. Shimkus. So 85 do not? Ms. McCarthy. Eighty-five would have to make changes in their facilities---- Mr. Shimkus. And those changes would be a capital expense outlay, and that kind of follows into this whole debate about your job calculations, because part of your job calculation is retrofitting these facilities. Retrofitting jobs, are they short term, 6 months, 12 months? How long is a major operating facility those jobs remain? I mean, they remain for decades. So that is long-term consideration of the length of that. My time is rapidly clicking away, and I want to make sure I raise this issue on the science-based debate. We have had this in my subcommittee hearing, Mr. Chairman, and that the courts give deference to the Federal Government when there is a court case over any other advocacy in the court case, and the standard of proof is very high and it is arbitrary and capricious. So for my colleagues here, part of this debate on reform would be a debate on judicial reform in the courts to give the complainants equal standing as the Federal Government when they have litigation. Currently now, the courts assume that the Federal Government is correct and so the plaintiffs have a higher burden, and I think that is one of the major reforms that has to be done. I yield back my time. Mr. Whitfield. Thank you. At this time I recognize the gentlelady from Florida, Ms. Castor, for 5 minutes. Ms. Castor. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Good morning, Ms. McCarthy. Ms. McCarthy. Good morning. Ms. Castor. I think I would like to start by saying how proud I am to live in a country that for decades has protected the air that all Americans breathe, for decades. And I remember very well as a youngster in the 1970s the improvement in air quality in my hometown in Florida. I remember smoggy mornings early in the 1970s, especially during these hot summer months where the air was just stifling and we weren't getting much of a breeze off of the Gulf of Mexico, and the air stunk, but over the years it improved. It got a lot better. And the health of the community improved. And then in 1990, the Congress came back based upon science and everything they had learned and adopted Clean Air Act Amendments, and that was over 20 years ago and those Clean Air Act Amendments required EPA to establish emission standards for particular sources, and Congress said to the EPA back in 1990, OK, you have 10 years to adopt standards for these particular sources, so that is by the year 2000, right? Eleven years ago. And they gave them a few years after the adoption of those regulations for these particular sources to have some basic standards. But it took EPA many years. EPA first targeted these particular sources, adopted some standards for boilers in 2004. It got caught up in court challenges, and pursuant to a court-ordered deadline EPA finalized rules for industrial, commercial and institutional boilers and other particular sources of air pollution in February of this year. This has a long history, and I think it is time to bring it in for a landing rather than continuing to delay it. The Congress gave very clear direction in 1990, and we have been grappling with this. We understand now the science involving the public health when you clean the air and the impact on our families. So I am very concerned that the bills at issue today appear to be hazardous to the health of the Nation and our economy because they delay vital health protections and they create great uncertainty for everyone. So let us look at H.R. 2250 which indefinitely delays the rules to reduce toxic air pollution. Based upon the evidence, the rules if finalized as scheduled would provide tremendous health benefits to Americans by cutting emissions of pollutants linked to a range of serious health effects, developmental disabilities in children, asthma, cancer. EPA estimates that these rules will avoid more than 2,600 premature deaths, 4,100 heart attacks and 42,000 asthma attacks every year. I don't know about you all but this is an epidemic in our country, the rates of asthma and heart disease, and people, we are all part of the solution. And I don't think we can turn a blind eye to this evidence. Ms. McCarthy, after the years that EPA has been gathering evidence from all corners, from industry, how would nullifying these rules now affect the public health in your opinion? Ms. McCarthy. It would leave incredible public health benefits on the table, benefits that are significantly important to American families, and it would do so in clear recognition that for every dollar we spend on these rules, we are going to get $10 to $24 in benefits for people in terms of better health for them and for individuals and their families. There is no reason for it. We have administrative processes that we are going through. We are following the same notice and comment process that Congress intended. We should be allowed to proceed with these rules and to get the public health benefits as delayed as they are finally deliver them for the American family. Ms. Castor. And the statutory deadline originally that the Congress directed in 1990 was 2000. Ms. McCarthy. It was, and I will tell you it would be inexcusable to not deliver these knowing the health benefits, knowing the impacts associated with these toxic pollutants and knowing that we can do this cost-effectively and actually at the same time increase jobs. These are not job-killing bills. These are bills that will require investments that will put people back to work and that will grow the economy. Ms. Castor. Thank you very much. Mr. Whitfield. The gentleman from Oregon is recognized for 5 minutes, Mr. Walden. Mr. Walden. I thank the chairman very much and I welcome our witness today. I want to make a couple of comments. First of all, I would say up front that one of the two cement plants that your regulations put great burdens on is in my district, Durkee, Oregon, so I would like you to submit for the committee within a week or so these specific health issues that you have identified relating to mercury poisoning, asthma and all as it relates to Oregon specifically, because you must have them broken down by region, I would assume, or by county. Ms. McCarthy. We certainly look at exposures around facilities. Mr. Walden. So if you could provide those, it would be most helpful. I have got a chart here somewhere that shows the percent of mercury deposition that originates outside the United States, and I believe that your own data indicate that most of this comes from China or foreign sources, most of the mercury coming into the United States. Is that accurate? Ms. McCarthy. It also is emitted by us and comes back at us. Mr. Walden. Indeed. Now, you said in your testimony or in response to a question that there have been no mercury control MACT standards for mercury? Ms. McCarthy. I said national standards. That is correct. Mr. Walden. Right, and that nobody had really invested ahead of those standards. Ms. McCarthy. No, I indicated that for the most part the investments weren't sufficient to get compliance with the standards that we have. Mr. Walden. So in the case of Ash Grove in my district in Durkee, they have spent about, I think it is $20 million. They have reduced their emissions by 90 percent, and my information--correct me if I am wrong--is there a more advanced technology they can use than what they are using today with the carbon injection system? Ms. McCarthy. Actually, they have been very responsive to the needs of the State and working with them and---- Mr. Walden. No, they would have met the State standards. It is your new Federal standards that is causing them the problem is my understanding. Ms. McCarthy. We are working with them on that, yes. Mr. Walden. So my question, though, is yet to be answered. Is there an achievable control technology available today that is better than the one they are implementing? Ms. McCarthy. I do not know, but they are working on that. Mr. Walden. Now, I want to know from you because you are writing the rules. Because the rules in the Clean Air Act talk about achievable control technology, right? And in the committee report in 1990 in the Clean Air Act Amendments, the House report itself on page 328 of part 1 stated, ``The committee expects MACT to be meaningful so that MACT will require substantial reductions in emissions from uncontrolled levels. However, MACT is not intended to require unsafe control measures or to drive sources to the brink of shutdown.'' So I guess the question is, if you have got two plants because the mercury levels in the limestone next to them exceed these standards you are setting, you may be driving them to the brink of shutdown. I mean, they have reduced 90 percent, but under your rules proposed, it would be 98.4 percent. Ms. McCarthy. The facility that you are talking about has made substantial investments in technologies---- Mr. Walden. Yes, they have. Ms. McCarthy [continuing]. To achieve these mercury reductions. They are continuing to do that. Mr. Walden. I understand that. Ms. McCarthy. I have ever reason to believe that the Clean Air Act in this instance will behave exactly as history has shown us, which is to drive new technologies into the market and to successfully achieve---- Mr. Walden. And today there is no technology superior to what they are using, is there? Ms. McCarthy. There are technologies that will achieve these. The challenge, as you know---- Mr. Walden. To the 98.4 percent? Ms. McCarthy. The challenge, as you know, for this particular facility is the limestone quarry that they are using and the mercury content there. Mr. Walden. And I believe also in the conference committee report from the 1990 Clean Air Act, it talked about substituting orinol, and it said, ``The substitution of cleaner ore stocks was not in any event a feasible basis on which to set emission standards where metallic impurity levels are variable and unpredictable both from mine to mine and within specific ore deposits.'' So there was a recognition, as I understand it, in the Clean Air Act about different ore levels in different places. Here is the deal. You know, we are going to listen to the President tonight, and as Americans, we are all concerned about losing jobs. I represent a very rural district that is suffering enormously from Federal regulation, whether it is on our Federal forest and the 90 percent reduction in Federal forestlands that by the way are burning--we can get into that whole discussion and what that does to health quality--or whether it is this boiler MACT standard. I have got three letters, Mr. Chairman, that I would like to submit into the record from---- Mr. Whitfield. Without objection. [The information follows:] [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] Mr. Walden. And these are about the uncertainty that is out there in the marketplace over your boiler MACT standards. While you may have some improvements, these companies in my district are saying we continue to have major ongoing concerns regarding achievability, affordable and lack of accounting for variability within our operations for newly released rule. Boise Cascade in this case, Boise will need to spend millions of dollars in new investments for multiple control technologies which can conflict with other existing control technologies. There is also an issue they raise about how they use every bit of the wood stream back into their facilities, which we used to applaud them for doing, no waste, and apparently in some of the other rules that are coming out of your agency, they now would have to treat some of that resin that they now burn in their boilers as solid waste and put it in landfills and replace that with fossil fuels. I mean, this is why--and I understand unless you are out there you don't get this, this is why a lot of Americans are not investing in their own companies because there is such uncertainty in the marketplace over all these rules and regulations, and I hear it every day I am out in my district, and my time is expired. Mr. Whitfield. Thank you, Mr. Walden. At this time I recognize the gentleman from Texas, Mr. Green, for 5 minutes. Mr. Green. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Ms. McCarthy, good to see you again. Ms. McCarthy. You too as well. Mr. Green. Like my colleague, Joe Barton, we appreciate your working with us on a lot of issues. Obviously sometimes we don't get to the end result that each of us can agree to. In the boiler MACT rule, you make a change in the definition of waste because the courts found in 2000 the definition was not strict enough. This change has meant that some traditional fuels in many of these plants are now classified as waste and now the facilities in a regulatory sense become commercial industrial solid waste incinerators. I have a couple questions. Are you sympathetic to the argument from the cement companies they are in a bind because they are being forced to comply with the new NESHAP rule but then might end up being regulated as a commercial industrial solid waste incinerator, then some of their compliance investment would be for nothing and they will have to completely start over. It seems like that would be an economic waste, and to me, it seems they are really in a bind for the planning side. How would you work with them on this and given the massive job losses in the sector they really can't afford to apply for permits for one designation and then take these costs and then turn around and have to start over? Ms. McCarthy. We are actually working with these companies right now. The rule has been finalized and they are making investment decisions and we are more than willing to sit down. The good news is that the incinerator rule, they can either decide to be regulated as a cement facility or they can decide to burn solid waste, which would allow them to be regulated and require them to be regulated under the incinerator rule. Mr. Green. So they have a choice to make which one they come under? Ms. McCarthy. They do, and depending upon what they want to do, they make that choice themselves and we allow that, but the good news is that any technology investment they might make if they decide to be regulated under the Portland Cement rule is the same type of technology that they would have to put in place to be regulated under the incinerator rule. The main difference is that they would have to look at developing much more explicit monitoring requirements and doing things differently for that purpose under CISWI, which is an area that we are looking at under our reconsideration and that will clarify itself. Mr. Green. One of my concerns is that some of these plants, they burn tires, they burn construction debris, and particularly with tires because of instead of having them on the side of the road people dump, we can actually have a beneficial use, and so that is part of my concern. A couple of people on the second panel will talk about they cannot design, install and commission emission controls under existing coal-fired boilers within 3 years. They claim this is particularly true because third-party resources with the expertise to design and install these controls will be in high demand as multiple boiler rules are being implemented in a short time by both the industry and electric utility industries. Do you share that concern, that there may not be the available technology to get there in 3 years? Ms. McCarthy. We have certainly looked at it. Let me hit the solid waste issue very briefly for you, Mr. Green. We know that concerns have been raised. We are working and we have developed guidance to address the tire issue so that we eliminate any uncertainty and clarify those rules. In terms of the coal-fired boilers, each one gets 3 years with the opportunity if there are technology problems to go to 4 years. We also know that there is fuel switching that is often done to achieve compliance because many of these coal boilers switch between biomass and coal, and it is a very effective strategy to achieve some of these compliance limits. So we are more than happy to work to ensure that compliance is achieved in a timely way. Mr. Green. Todd Elliott from Celanese Corporation is here to testify on the second panel. In his testimony, he talks at length about some of their boilers at the Narrows, Virginia, facility. I don't have Narrows, Virginia, but I do have Celanese plants in our district. These boilers are identified by the EPA as top-performing units and used to set the proposed regulatory standards for hydrochloric acid and mercury emissions yet not even one of these top-performing units will meet the emissions standards for both mercury and hydrochloric simultaneously without installing costly emission controls. How is it they can be a top performer and yet not meet these new standards on a consistent level? Ms. McCarthy. Well, we know that that is an issue that has been raised to us. We have gathered more data. We are going through the reconsideration process and we fully believe that we will be able to assess that data and come up with standards that are meaningful and achievable. Mr. Green. Hopefully we will come to an agreement on some of our other issues. My last question is, we have a plant that in addition to burning natural gas burns refinery fuel gas, petrochemical processed fuel gas in their boilers and process heaters. In both these cases, their blends of methane, propane and butane are clean-burning fuels. Does EPA does intend to exempt both refinery and petrochemical processed fuel gases from the numerical standards similar to natural gas? Ms. McCarthy. Yes, we did establish a process for that. We heard loud and clear during the comment period that we shouldn't be segregating refinery gas any differently if it is as clean as natural gas. We have set a process to look at that. We are also looking at that again in the reconsideration process. So I feel very confident that we can come to a good understanding on that issue and have a very clear, well-defined process so that there is certainty in the business community, and I do believe that most of the refinery gas will most likely be required to do work practice standards as opposed to an emissions limit. Mr. Green. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Whitfield. The chair now recognizes the gentleman from Louisiana, Mr. Scalise, for 5 minutes. Mr. Scalise. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate you having this hearing. I am proud to support the legislation that we are discussing today, and Ms. McCarthy, I appreciate you coming as well. I spent the last 5 weeks, as I am sure all my colleagues have, going throughout my district meeting with small business owners, middle-class families talking about the challenges that they are facing and things that we can do in Congress to get the economy back on track, to create jobs, and I have got to tell you, there was one recurring theme that came across with every single small business I met with, and they said the primary impediment to creating jobs today for them are the regulations coming out of this Administration, and EPA was at the top of the list of agencies that are bombarding them with regulations that have nothing to do with safety or improving the quality of life but in fact seem to be going through, I think, an extreme agenda of carrying out what is an agenda for some at the agency but is flying in the face of things that they want to do in creating jobs and investing. I mean, there is money on the sidelines. Anybody that follows markets today, that follows what is happening throughout our country will tell you there is trillions of dollars on the sidelines that could be invested right now at creating jobs, and the job creators, those people that have that money to invest, are telling us that it is the regulations coming out of agencies like EPA that are holding them back and so, you know, when you give your testimony, and I have listened to some of your testimony about the ability that you think your agency has to create jobs by coming out with regulations, you know, maybe you are living in a parallel universe to the one I am living in, but when I talk to people--and, you know, you gave a statement saying for every dollar in new rules that you then give back $24 in health benefits, for example, with the regulations you are proposing. You are saying that the rules that will require investment, these rules that you are coming out with will require investments that will create jobs and put people back to work. You know, first of all, tell me, when you make rules, do you all really look and think that the rules you are making are going to create jobs? Ms. McCarthy. That is not their primary but we---- Mr. Scalise. But do you---- Ms. McCarthy [continuing]. Certainly look at the economic impacts of our rules---- Mr. Scalise. Because you have given some testimony---- Ms. McCarthy [continuing]. Looking at jobs. Mr. Scalise. So, for example, I think you had testimony that for every million or million and a half dollars a business spends to comply with rules, you said that creates a job? Ms. McCarthy. I certainly--I did not say that and I don't think I have submitted testimony to that effect. Mr. Scalise. I think that was your testimony, and I will go back and look, and---- Ms. McCarthy. Maybe in the past, and that certainly does not sound unachievable. Oh, that is one of the studies that we use as a basis for our economic analysis. It indicates that. Mr. Scalise. So what does it indicate, if you can give me the exact indication, because I read that in one of your statements. Ms. McCarthy. I think it indicates that for every million dollars expended on control equipment. We find that increased environmental spending generally does not cause a significant change in employment, and this is referencing a Morgan Stearns study that has been peer reviewed, and the scientific literature says our average across all four industries is a net gain of 1.5 jobs per $1 million in additional environmental spending. Mr. Scalise. So basically what you are saying is, if you force a company to spend another million dollars complying with some rule that you come up with, Congress didn't pass it but you all came with a rule, you are acknowledging that that is forcing businesses to spend money. So if you say a business is forced to spend a million dollars to comply with your rule, according to your metrics, that creates one and a half jobs. Is that one and a half jobs at your agency? Ms. McCarthy. I certainly don't want to give the impression that EPA is in the business to create jobs. What we---- Mr. Scalise. You are definitely not. Ms. McCarthy. We are in the business---- Mr. Scalise. From everybody I have talked to, you are in the business of putting people out of work right now. Ms. McCarthy. No, we are in the business of actually--the Clean Air Act, its intent is to protect public health. Mr. Scalise. Well, let me ask you this---- Ms. McCarthy. As a result of that, money gets spent and jobs get--yes. Mr. Scalise. And jobs get what? Ms. McCarthy. Jobs grow. Mr. Scalise. Again, maybe a parallel universe we are living in, but when you think jobs grow because of these regulations, I can show you small business after small business that can't grow jobs because of your regulations directly related to your regulations, not nebulous. And now we will get into the health issue because one of the things we hear and it was talked about in opening statements and yours as well is, you know, this has got to be done for health reasons. Let me bring you to a decision the President just made on the Ozone National Ambient Air Quality Standards where the President even acknowledged that EPA's regulations and specifically as it related just a couple days ago to ozone actually shouldn't go forward and asked you all to pull back. I would like to get your opinion, what is your reaction to the President saying your smog ruling is not a good move to make and asked you all to pull that back. Ms. McCarthy. The President issued a statement and it should speak for itself. Mr. Scalise. But you are the agency that is tasked with that rule. I mean, what is your opinion on it? Ms. McCarthy. Once again, the President made the decision and he asked the agency to pull back that rule, and clearly the agency will and we will work very aggressively on the next review, which is what he asked us to do, the most current science, and we will move forward in 2013 to look---- Mr. Scalise. Hopefully you all take that approach with these other rules that are costing jobs. I yield back. Thanks. Ms. McCarthy. The chair now recognizes the gentleman from Virginia, Mr. Griffith, for 5 minutes. Mr. Griffith. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am a little concerned. Earlier today you said that you all are going through public comment and you didn't need any help with the legislature, and I am just curious about that statement. Did you really mean that? Ms. McCarthy. Well, what I meant was there an indication or an inference that this legislation was in response to a need that EPA expressed, and it is not. Mr. Griffith. So you understand that it is in fact the legislature's job that all of us, as many have already stated, it is our job to go out and listen to our constituents and then we face election each year. You understand that? Ms. McCarthy. And it is EPA's job to implement the laws that you enact. Mr. Griffith. And it is also our job then to review those laws to determine whether or not we believe it in the best interest of the United States and if the public believes that there is something we should do that we should change it which is why the Founding Fathers gave us a 2-year time and not a lifetime term. Do you agree with that? Ms. McCarthy. I would not presume to do your job. Mr. Griffith. And were you just getting a little testy with us when you said in Section 5 that you weren't sure who was being--who the burden was on, whether it was the industries or whether it was the air-breathing public. Was that just a little testy comment, or do you really believe that? Ms. McCarthy. I think I was trying to make a point about the lack of clarity in that language and the uncertainty that it would bring to the table and the potential it has to add uncertainty in the legal world that would preclude us from moving forward to achieve the benefit, the health benefits that the Clean Air Act intended. Mr. Griffith. But you wouldn't acknowledge that the line in section 5 that says the Administration shall impose the least burdensome refers back to the beginning of that paragraph where it says for each regulation promulgated? Ms. McCarthy. But whose burden should we look at? What we look at are the health benefits compared with the costs associated with the implementation of that rule and we maximize the benefits and we minimize the cost to the extent that we can. Mr. Griffith. But you said earlier, and I am just curious about it, because you said earlier that, you know, you weren't sure whether that--and the same thing you just said to me--you weren't sure who that applied to as to the burden and you said the air-breathing public, and I guess I am questioning that because the air-breathing public, we breathe out what you all have determined to be a pollutant, CO2, and I am wondering if that is some precursor to--I mean, I don't think so, I thought it was just a testy comment, but now I am getting some of the same stuff back. Is that a precursor to you all anticipating regulations on the air-breathing public because this paragraph clearly only deals with regulations promulgated in relationship to the Clean Air Act. Are you following me? Ms. McCarthy. I don't think so, but let me---- Mr. Griffith. OK. Let me state to you then that it looks very clear to me it applies to regulations that you all--I don't think there is any question that that paragraph deals with regulations that you all implement---- Ms. McCarthy. Oh, I think I misinterpreted---- Mr. Griffith [continuing]. In Section 2A in the Clean Air Act---- Ms. McCarthy [continuing]. Your comment. What I was---- Mr. Griffith [continuing]. And so if you think it applies to the air-breathing public, you must be getting ready to regulate it. Ms. McCarthy. No, no. When the agency interprets burden, is it the burden to industry to comply or is it the health burdens associated with the pollution for the breathing public? That was my point. I apologize if I was indicating that I would be regulating individuals. Mr. Griffith. Well, I didn't think you were but then I have seen strange---- Ms. McCarthy. That is certainly what I intended. Mr. Griffith [continuing]. Things coming out of the EPA, so I wasn't certain. That being said, you all don't think that there are any time problems for these industries? You are dealing with a number of them. We heard about Oregon and other places and you don't think there are any time issues. You think that we should stay, and in your responses to Congressman Dingell, you indicated that you thought the timelines should remain exactly the same and go into effect in April notwithstanding other questions have come up and said there is a problem here and you say we are working with them. Do you still think the timeline that you all have laid out is perfectly reasonable? Ms. McCarthy. I would tell you that administratively, we have the tools available to us to address the timeline concerns and we will certainly be looking at these with three out of the four rules. We have stayed them ourselves, and we are going through a reconsideration process. All I am suggesting is---- Mr. Griffith. But I am correct that that reconsideration process has actually been objected to by certain groups and the courts. Is that not true? Ms. McCarthy. That is true. Mr. Griffith. And so there is a possibility that if the court rules that your reconsideration was not proper, that we are stuck with the March 2011 regulations. Isn't that true? Ms. McCarthy. The agency believes that that the authority that Congress has afforded EPA allows us to stay the rules in exactly the way we have done it and that we are not at---- Mr. Griffith. But that is currently in the courts being thought out, so---- Ms. McCarthy. As is most of our rules, yes. Mr. Griffith. But we don't have any guarantee unless we do something that we are not going to get stuck with the March 2011 rules. Isn't that true? Knowing that the courts--that we can disagree with the courts but sometimes they rule in ways that we don't anticipate. Isn't that true? Ms. McCarthy. I do not believe that you are at risk of having a court tell you that we should be stopping our reconsideration process and completing it by April of next year. Mr. Griffith. But you would agree that any good lawyer has been wrong at some point in time as to what the courts might do, would you not? Ms. McCarthy. I have pointed that out a few times. Mr. Griffith. I yield back my time, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Whitfield. At this time I recognize the gentleman from Massachusetts, Mr. Markey, for 5 minutes. Mr. Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. Forty-nine years ago in September of 1962, President Kennedy issued an urgent call to the Nation to be bold. He said that we shall send to the moon 240,000 miles away from the control station in Houston a giant rocket more than 300 feet tall, the length of a football field, made of new metal alloys, some of which have not yet been invented, capable of standing heat and stresses several times more than have ever been experienced, fitted together with a precision better than the finest watch, and we did it, and we did it less than 7 years after that speech. Today we are holding a hearing on Republican legislation that essentially exempts the cement industry and industrial boiler sector from having to install existing technologies. Nothing has to be invented at all to remove mercury and other toxics from their smokestacks because evidently the can-do Nation that sent a man to the moon in under 10 years just can't do it when it comes to cleaning up air pollution using commercially available technologies that already are on the shelf today. Now, shortly after the 1996 Telecommunications Act was passed out of this committee, it became the law. We were transformed as a Nation from a black rotary dial phone Nation to a BlackBerry and iPad nation. This committee say we can do it, but can we install the best available technologies in cement kilns to reduce the amount of mercury poisoning in children's brains? No, that is just too hard. We can't find anyone smart enough to figure it out. Instead of installing commercially available technology on cement kilns, cement plants, we will just install a Portland cement shoe on the EPA and throw it in the river, and if the EPA doesn't die from drowning, the mercury will definitely kill it. Ms. McCarthy, 2 months ago the House considered a bill to ban compact fluorescent light bulbs. During debate on that bill, we were repeatedly told by the Republicans that the mercury vapors from those light bulbs is dangerous, and even that ``exposing our citizens to the harmful effects of the mercury contained in CFL light bulbs is likely to pose a hazard for years to come.'' Now, the cement rule that we are debating here today alone would reduce mercury emissions, which the Republicans really care about, by 16,600 pounds per year. Now, there are three 3 milligrams of mercury in one compact fluorescent light bulb, almost seven-millionths of a pound. So the cement rule will eliminate the same amount of mercury in 1 year as banning two and a half billion compact fluorescent light bulbs. Ms. McCarthy, what is the greater public health threat, the tons of mercury coming out of cement kilns that are being sent right up into the atmosphere or light bulbs? Ms. McCarthy. Based on the information provided, it is clear that it is cement. Mr. Markey. Cement. Well, I am glad that the Republicans can hear that. Cement is a greater threat because we have heard so much concern about light bulbs from them this year and mercury. Now, we have been told that all these bills do is to give EPA an extra 15 months to study and refine its proposals though, of course, that is on top of the 20 years it has been since Congress told the EPA to set these standards in the first place. Now, EPA asked the courts for an extra 15 months to refine its boiler regulations. Did EPA also ask for an additional 15 months to refine its cement regulations? Ms. McCarthy. No. Mr. Markey. Now, isn't it true that these bills actually remove any deadline for finalizing the rules? Ms. McCarthy. Yes. Mr. Markey. Do you agree that if the EPA for some reason chose not to finalize them for years, it would be virtually impossible to force the EPA to act? Ms. McCarthy. It would be unclear how. Mr. Markey. Now, the way I understand this part of the Clean Air Act, EPA basically grades on a curve. To get an A, you just have to do what the other A students do by installing the same commercially available technologies that the cleaner facilities have. Is that not right? Ms. McCarthy. Yes. Mr. Markey. So no one has to invent anything new in order to comply with the rule? Ms. McCarthy. This is existing equipment that can achieve these standards. Mr. Markey. I thank the chairman. Mr. Whitfield. Thank you. At this time I recognize the gentleman from Texas, Mr. Olson, for 5 minutes. Mr. Olson. I thank the chair, and first of all, as a member who represents the Johnson Space Center, I appreciate my colleague from Massachusetts with his comments about human spaceflight and the Johnson Space Center, and for all of you out there, that is an example of bipartisanship on Capitol Hill, so thank you for those comments. Assistant Administrator McCarthy, great to see you again, and thank you so much for coming here today. I appreciate your willingness to testify, and I appreciate your apology about the tardiness of your written testimony for the committee members, but my point is, and my only comment about that is, apologizing to me is important but you should apologize to the people of Texas 22, the people I represent. They have got many, many questions about what EPA is doing there and how it is impacting their business, and because we got this testimony in a tardy manner, I am not doing the best job I can representing them, so I appreciate your apology and your commitment to making sure this never, ever happens again. And that is all I have to say about that, as Forrest Gump would say. But I do have other things I want to say, and I am concerned that the EPA did not do their homework when they determined the maximum achievable control technology floor, and as I understand it and as we are going to hear in the panel after you, in many cases these standards are not achievable by real-world boilers. The 1990 Clean Air Act Amendments require the EPA to promulgate technology-based emission standards but it allows for the possible supplementation of health-based standards. In your opening statement, and this is a rough quote, you said that every American is entitled to healthy air and a job. The committee agrees with that, but there has to be some balance, and again, the Clean Air Act Amendments of 1990 recognize that. Technology-based is the primary one balanced in some cases with supplementation by health-based standards. And so my question for you is, is there enough data out there to supplement health-based standards over technology-based standards for the hazardous air pollution sources? Ms. McCarthy. There is not enough information for us to make the decision under the law that using a health-based emissions limit would be sufficiently protective with an adequate margin of safety. Mr. Olson. OK. So if there is not enough data, how does the EPA determine and monetize the health benefits, positive health benefits that can be attributed to the boiler MACT rule? Ms. McCarthy. I think it is a bit of apples and oranges. A health-based emissions limit is something that would be proposed to us to take a look at that would identify risks associated with a health standard as opposed to technology being installed. We can clearly and have assessed the health benefits the same way the prior Administration did. We assess the health benefits associated with our rule, taking a look at what technologies are available and how those rules could be achieved using that technology. A health-based emissions limit wouldn't establish a limit. It would simply say everything is OK at this facility if you manage it in a particular way. We did not certainly feel that with toxic pollutants that we could do anything other than have a complete assessment as to whether or not that health-based limit would actually achieve the kind of health protections that are required under the Clean Air Act, and we simply didn't have that information to make that judgment. Mr. Dingell. Would the gentleman yield? Mr. Olson. I have got a couple more questions and I will yield back the remainder of my time, but one more question following up on that. So you said there isn't enough data to determine and monetize the health benefits that can be attributed to the boiler MACT rule. Just following up on my colleague from Virginia's comments about foreign sources. As you know, Texas is a border State. I mean, one-half of the southern border is the great State of Texas, 1,200 miles, and I am very concerned that many of the emissions that are coming across the border standards that our businesses in Texas are being held to the Clean Air Act standards, and you say that there is not enough data to supplement the health standards yet we are promulgating standards. Why can't we determine some sort of health standard for the emissions coming from foreign sources? Why do our businesses in the great State of Texas have to be penalized because they are being required the emissions that are somehow coming across the border, they are going to be in the line of fire. How come we can't separate that out and give them some sort of credit so we can keep the business right here in America? Ms. McCarthy. We actually do have a wealth of information and it is part of the public disclosure associated with this rule and others on what type of pollution is coming in from other parts of the world and we do not challenge our facilities to account for that or to reduce that but we do account for their own emissions and we do look at what technologies are available that are cost-effective that will achieve significant public health improvement. Mr. Olson. Well, just in summary, I will tell you that every time I go back home, the businesses back there, particularly the petrochemical businesses on the Port of Houston, feel like they are required to carry these emissions coming from foreign sources. It is unfair. It kills American jobs. I yield back the balance of my time. Mr. Dingell. Will the gentleman yield to me? Mr. Olson. I will yield, sir, but I have got a zero zero zero on the clock. Mr. Dingell. Madam Administrator, you are giving me in your comments to my colleagues the impression that you are going to come forward with decisions on rules, which you will put in place before the questions associated with those rules have been fully answered and before you can assure us that you are not going to have to run out very shortly and initiate a new set of rules. It strikes me that if that is the case, you are creating a serious problem both in terms of the administration of the law and politically for the agency. Can you assure me that you are not doing that and that when you conclude these rules that you will have then a rule which will be settled so that business can make the decisions and so that they will not have to run out and make new investments to satisfy a subsequent enactment of a new rule which will be made after the first rule has been completed? Ms. McCarthy. Mr. Dingell, perhaps I wasn't as clear in what I was speaking about. When I was talking about the health- based emissions limit, which is I think what you are talking about, I believed that we were talking about the cement rule, which has actually been finalized, and the fact that in that rule we did tee up comment and we solicited comment on whether or not we could do a health-based emissions limit, and we asked for the data necessary to ensure that an emissions limit could be established that was lower than a technology limit, a technology-based limit that would be sufficiently protective. I was not speaking to the rules that are going to be reconsidered. Mr. Dingell. You have given me no comfort, Madam Administrator. I am driven to the conclusion that you are telling me that when you have completed this, there is a probability that you will initiate new efforts to come forward with a new rule under perhaps different sections of the Clean Air Act. I regard that as being an extraordinarily unwise action by the agency in several parts. Mr. Whitfield. The gentleman from West Virginia, Mr. McKinley, is recognized for 5 minutes. Mr. McKinley. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am trying to grasp all this, and I appreciate your coming back in. We have had some interesting discussions here in this committee with you. Go back to the issue that we brought up a minute ago about 1962. I certainly wouldn't take offense to that because it is something taken out of context. We weren't in the middle or the tail end of a recession in 1962, were we? Ms. McCarthy. I don't remember. Mr. McKinley. But we were someplace, you and I. but that was a different time, and I don't think anyone is saying that there is not a can-do ability, but right now we have 9.1 percent unemployment. We just got announced last month that there were no job increases whatsoever across America. So our businesses are trying to make some decisions. They know they can replace the boilers. If he is correct that they are on the shelf, for right now I will accept that. I am not sure I am going to completely buy that but I will accept that premise. But they have to make a decision. They have to make a decision right now in this economy. And over the break, I had an opportunity to visit two lumber producers in West Virginia, and both of them pleaded with me to give us time, more time. They have gone to--they are talking to the banks. First they are saying we meet some standards now, we are not polluting under the old standard, we are meeting some standards, we are meeting Clean Air Act, we are meeting the EPA standards, we are meeting those standards, and for someone to tighten the bolt right now in this economy is threatening them because there is already one other major manufacturer in West Virginia lumber that went out of business due to this economy. We are hearing because of Dodd-Frank, some of the banks are not as anxious to loan money to the lumber industry now in this economy because it is a risky loan in this economy so there is some reservation for that. So they are asking us--the one company was $6 million, they have already got an estimate to make this replacement, and they are trying--how do I make this choice because their own analysis has said if they do make this investment, the likelihood of their company surviving over a period of time won't be. They know it is marginal right now. They have lost money for the last 2 years, and to go out and borrow $6 million more puts 600 people at risk, 600 people. So I am asking you, if you had--if you were sitting in that boardroom and you know that your company has lost money the last numbers of years, but yet the EPA is saying we want you to buy something off the shelf and put it in place and it is going to cost you $6 million and you probably are going to lose your 600 jobs, what do you do? What would you do under that--what is wrong with their business decision to ask for a delay until this economy gets a little stronger and they can be more competitive? What is the matter with that? Ms. McCarthy. Mr. McKinley, I will tell you that EPA is certainly not oblivious to the economic challenges that we are all facing. If you look at the rules and the way in which we are evaluating our rules, we are doing a better job every rule to try to understand the economics---- Mr. McKinley. What does he do in that boardroom? Ms. McCarthy [continuing]. To try to understand the jobs. Mr. McKinley. Ms. McCarthy, you have to make a decision because you are breathing down his neck. Ms. McCarthy. We have successfully through the 40-year history of the Clean Air Act found a way to grow the economy with significant---- Mr. McKinley. Oh, you all said that. You said that before. You came in here and you said yourself that the EPA has actually created jobs and you said it here again today, and I am still waiting. I asked you then back in February if you could provide that information of how the EPA regulations create jobs, and I still don't have it. This is now September and I still haven't received that report of how your regulations create jobs. You said it here today. You said you are expecting job growth if the EPA standards were put into effect. Ms. McCarthy. That is correct. Mr. McKinley. What are we talking about? Construction jobs that last for 6 months but then put the 600 people out of work in my district? That doesn't work. I don't understand where you are going but you haven't still answered my initial--if you were in the boardroom, what would you do? Put your company under or would you let the people go? Ms. McCarthy. I firmly believe that we need to meet our economic challenges in a way that continues to grow the economy. That is my belief and I think we have done it and I think we can continue to do that. Mr. Whitfield. The gentleman from California, Mr. Bilbray, is recognized for 5 minutes. Mr. Bilbray. Thank you. Ms. McCarthy, how many years have you served at the local level administering the Clean Air Act? Ms. McCarthy. I served--well, I don't know whether I could say I administered the Clean Air Act but I worked at the local level for 11 years. Mr. Bilbray. OK. You know, I was one of the few people on this side of the aisle to support Mr. Markey's position on the light bulb issue but let me tell you something, after 16 years as a local administrator with the best scientists in the world in California, which you would admit that California---- Ms. McCarthy. They are good, but I came from Massachusetts. Mr. Bilbray. That is why you adopt our fuel standards and supported our action to eliminate the ethanol-methanol mandate. Ms. McCarthy. Fair point. Mr. Bilbray. But my point being, I was a little taken aback that somebody in your position did not take the opportunity to point out to Mr. Markey that to compare ambient air and indoor air exposures is really inappropriate, especially with the challenges we have seen. And can we clarify the fact that there are major challenges in indoor air and we shouldn't be mixing those two up and giving the impression that somehow from the health risk point of view it is all the same? Ms. McCarthy. They are very different exposures. Mr. Bilbray. Thank you. I am very concerned about that because of science. Now, my biggest concern, as I look at things like the solid waste emissions regs where a company has to address the emissions for that day, but if you take the same waste and you put it off and bury it, those emissions have to be mitigated per day for the next 60 to 70 years, but there is no penalty for the fact that you are basically sending the emissions off to your grandchildren. It is almost like the regulations encourage people to do the environmentally irresponsible thing because on paper it looks good for that 24-hour period but in fact, in a lifecycle, you are actually having a cumulative impact and those emissions are going to be pollutant. It is that kind of regulation as an air regulator that I am just outraged that we are not brave enough to stand up and talk about and the environmental community activists and regulatory have walked away from it. I would ask you, what State has been more aggressive at moving regulatory oversight and mandates than the State of California when it has come to clean air? Ms. McCarthy. I would say that California has been very aggressive. It's air pollution challenges have been quite extreme. Mr. Bilbray. OK. And I will say this as somebody who had the privilege of doing that. I think people on my side of the aisle are in denial of the health challenges of environmental risk, but I have got to tell you something, when you stand up and give us the same line that California has been using for decades, that this will be great for business, we have gone from being the powerhouse in this country and the world, the California economy, to a 12 percent unemployment to the fact that you do not manufacture almost anything in California anymore, when we have gotten to the point where our scientists who are developing green fuel technology have to leave the State because they cannot get the permits or the ability financially to be able to produce it in the State. I just think that we are really in denial if you really think that California is wealthier, more prosperous and that the green technology is penciled out so much that it is now an example of the huge benefits of regulatory mandates actually helping the economy in the long run, and I just ask you to consider the fact that for those of us that don't have the cement manufacturing in my district--I don't. We are importing it from Mexico, the components for concrete. We don't talk about the mobile sources. And my question to you is this. Is there a consideration of the increased mobile sources if these plants break down? Because why not produce it in Kampichi and ship the cement up the river into these areas? Ms. McCarthy. There has not been a full lifecycle assessment of this, no. Mr. Bilbray. I bring up, we found out that by not doing a full lifecycle on things like ethanol, we realized we grossly underestimated the environmental impact because we did not do the full cycle. Don't you agree that there was a mistake made there? Ms. McCarthy. The only thing I would point out to you is that I think the comparison with California, looking at its National Ambient Air Quality challenges, and compare that to technology-based solutions that will drive toxic pollution down is not exactly an equal comparison. Mr. Bilbray. The equal comparison is the fact, though, that the projections of an economic boon from the enforcement of environmental regs was grossly overstated in California and historically has been overstated in the United States, and I will bring it up again: the great selling point of fuel additives that have been told by scientists in the 1990s that the Federal Government is making a mistake about, we continue to this day to follow that failed policy with the environmental damage and the economic damage caused by it, and we don't reverse it. My concern is not that we try new things or we make mistakes but when we try new things and make mistakes, we don't go back and correct it. It has been how many years since we put a clean fuel mandate out that everybody knows was a failure. Ms. McCarthy. We are moving forward with these rules because the Clean Air Act requires it. We are long delayed. There are significant public health benefits but we clearly look at the economy and ensure that we are doing it as cost- effectively as we can and to assess the impacts. Mr. Bilbray. And I think you are denying the economic impact as much as you damn the other side for denying the environmental impact. Mr. Whitfield. At this time the chair recognizes the gentleman from Colorado, Mr. Gardner, for 5 minutes. Mr. Gardner. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you, Madam Administrator for being here today. A couple of questions. I appreciate your support that you give in your testimony for meeting deadlines and the importance of deadlines in the Clean Air Act, but I am concerned that not all deadlines are equal in the eyes of the EPA. The Clean Air Act has an express 1-year deadline for taking final agency action on PSD permits. However, when you look at drilling in offshore Alaska, some of these permits continue to languish for 5 years. They have prevented us from accessing billions of barrels of oil that could make a long-term dent in gasoline prices in the United States. Why does the EPA pick and choose statutory deadlines that it feels to abide by? Ms. McCarthy. We actually try very hard to meet the statutory deadlines, and the 1-year deadline is one that we are doing everything we can to achieve. There are certainly challenges with ensuring that we get complete information so that the application can be assessed and we can move that forward. We work very hard with applicants to expedite permitting as much as possible. Mr. Gardner. Do you think some deadlines have more importance than other deadlines? Ms. McCarthy. I think that the law treats them all equally and I think we are equally obligated to do them. Mr. Gardner. But the EPA hasn't followed the law. Ms. McCarthy. We do our best to do that, to meet every deadline in the statute. Do we always succeed? Absolutely not. Mr. Gardner. Two months prior to announcing the boiler MACT rules, the EPA sought a 15-month extension to re-propose three of the rules. Do you believe it is accurate to assume that the EPA needed an extension because the rules needed more work? Ms. McCarthy. The rules actually changed significantly from proposal to final. We felt that they were legally vulnerable without entertaining more public comment and process associated with those changes. Mr. Gardner. So it needed more work? Ms. McCarthy. Say it again. Mr. Gardner. So it needed more work? Ms. McCarthy. It needed more public comment. Mr. Gardner. But just public comment, not more--oK. Ms. McCarthy. We are certainly opening up to more work because we solicited additional comment, and with more data, we will take a look at it. Mr. Gardner. In your statement, you stated in your statement that it is terrifically misleading to say that enforcement of the Clean Air Act costs jobs. Have you ever had a manufacturing facility tell you personally that it simply cannot comply with all the regulations coming out of the EPA? Ms. McCarthy. Many times. Mr. Gardner. Your testimony says that for every $1 million spent in environmental spending to comply with environmental rules, it creates 1.5 jobs. According to the forest products industry, $7 billion it will cost to comply with the boiler MACT rule. Are you then saying that that will create 10,500 jobs? Ms. McCarthy. No, I am not, and I am also not indicating that---- Mr. Gardner. Why would you---- Ms. McCarthy [continuing]. I agree--I was actually quoting a study that looked at specific industry sectors, and that---- Mr. Gardner. But you must agree with it if you put it in the statement. Ms. McCarthy. I agree that that literature has been peer- reviewed and it is sound science, yes. Mr. Gardner. So then for every $1 million in spending, the---- Ms. McCarthy. In those four sectors is what that---- Mr. Gardner. And the paper and pulp industry, I believe, is one of the four sectors so you are saying that $7 billion---- Ms. McCarthy. I am not indicating at all that I believe the numbers that industry has indicated it associated with the cost of these rules. These major source boilers will in no way is estimated using scientific peer-reviewed methods to cost anywhere near that figure. Mr. Gardner. Do you believe that these regulations altogether will put a number of operations out of business? Ms. McCarthy. I believe that there will be choices made by industry on how they will comply. Mr. Gardner. Including whether they stay in business or not? Ms. McCarthy. That is going to be their choice looking at a variety of factors, perhaps least of which is compliance with these regulations. Mr. Gardner. So the EPA's own number on boiler cost was $5 billion, so that is just a little bit less than---- Ms. McCarthy. No, actually the boiler cost was a little less than $2 billion. Mr. Gardner. That is the information I have was $5 billion from the EPA. Ms. McCarthy. That was actually the proposal. We have cut that in half using flexibilities under the law and looking at new data. Mr. Gardner. So later we are going to hear the president and CEO of Lehigh Hanson talking about a loss of 4,000 jobs. Do you believe that business owners are being disingenuous when they tell us that it is going to cost them 4,000 jobs? Ms. McCarthy. I don't want to attribute motive to anything. All I can tell you is under the history of the Clean Air Act, industry has significantly overstated anticipated costs and they have not come to be. Mr. Gardner. In your testimony, I counted the number of times where you say things like ``in contrast to doomsday predictions, history has shown again and again that we can clean up pollution, create jobs and grow the economy. Economic analysis suggests the economy is billions of dollars larger today.'' Let us see. ``Some would have us believe that job killing describes EPA's regulations. It is terrifically misleading. Investments in labor-intensive upgrades that can put current unemployed or underemployed Americans back to work as a result of environmental regulations. Jobs also come from building and installing pollution control equipment.'' Let us see. ``Contrary to claims that EPA's agenda will have negative economic consequences, regulations yield important economic benefits.'' Let us see. It goes on. You say, ``Moreover, the standards will provide these benefits without imposing hardship on America's economy or jeopardizing American job creation.'' Late last month, President Obama withdrew the ozone standards. He said, ``I have continued to underscore the importance of reducing regulatory burdens and regulatory uncertainty, particularly as our economy continues to recover.'' Mr. Sunstein's letter to your agency said, ``The President has directed me to continue to work closely with executive agencies to minimize regulatory costs and burdens.'' Is he wrong then? Your testimony talks about creating jobs through environmental regulations. Was the President wrong in making that---- Mr. Rush. Regular order, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Whitfield. The gentleman's time has expired. Did you want to respond? Ms. McCarthy. No, the President made a sound decision and the agency is following it. Mr. Gardner. A sound decision? He made a sound decision? Mr. Whitfield. At this time we will conclude the questions for the first panel, and Ms. McCarthy, we appreciate your being here today. As you remember, many of the members had questions and further comments that they would ask the EPA to respond to, so we look forward to your getting back to us with that information and our staffs will be working with you all to make sure that all of that is taken care of. So thank you very much. Ms. McCarthy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Whitfield. At this time I would like to call up the second panel. On the second panel today, we have Mr. Daniel Harrington, who is the President and CEO of Lehigh Hanson Incorporated. We have Mr. James Rubright, who is the Chairman and CEO of RockTenn Company. We have Dr. Paul Gilman, who is the Chief Sustainability Officer and Senior Vice President, Covanta Energy Corporation. We have Mr. John Walke, who is the Clean Air Director and Senior Attorney for the Natural Resources Defense Council. We have Mr. Eric Schaeffer, who is the Executive Director for the Environmental Integrity Project. We have Dr. Peter Valberg, who is the Principal in Environmental Health at Gradient Corporation, and we have Mr. Todd Elliott, General Manager, Acetate Celanese Corporation. So thank all of you for being here today. We appreciate your patience, and we look forward to your testimony. Each one of you will be given 5 minutes for an opening statement, and then we will have our questions at that point. So Mr. Harrington, we will call on you for your 5-minute opening statement. Thank you. STATEMENTS OF DANIEL M. HARRINGTON, PRESIDENT AND CEO, LEHIGH HANSON, INC.; JAMES A. RUBRIGHT, CEO, ROCK-TENN COMPANY; PAUL GILMAN, PH.D., CHIEF SUSTAINABILITY OFFICER, COVANTA ENERGY CORPORATION; JOHN D. WALKE, CLEAN AIR DIRECTOR AND SENIOR ATTORNEY, NATURAL RESOURCES DEFENSE COUNCIL; ERIC SCHAEFFER, DIRECTOR, ENVIRONMENTAL INTEGRITY PROJECT; PETER A. VALBERG, PH.D., PRINCIPAL, GRADIENT CORPORATION; AND TODD ELLIOTT, GENERAL MANAGER, ACETATE, CELANESE CORPORATION STATEMENT OF DANIEL M. HARRINGTON Mr. Harrington. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am Dan Harrington. I am the President and CEO for Lehigh Hanson, and we are one of the United States' largest suppliers of heavy building materials to the construction industry. Our products include cement, brick precast pipe, ready-mixed concrete, sand and gravel, stone, and many other building materials. We have 500 operations in 34 States and we employ about 10,000 people in the United States. Also, I am presently the Chairman of the Government Affairs Council of the Portland Cement Association, and our association represents 97 percent of the U.S. cement manufacturing capacity. We have nearly 100 plants in 36 States and distribution facilities in all 50 States. We also employ approximately 13,000 employees. I am here today to express strong support for H.R. 2681, the Cement Sector Regulatory Relief Act of 2011. The current recession has been too long and too deep, and it has left the cement industry in its weakest economic conditions since the 1930s. Domestic demand for cement has dropped by more than 35 percent in the past 4 years, and we have shed over 4,000 job in the United States. Although 13,000 well-paying cement manufacturing jobs remain, and their average compensation of $75,000 a year, there are three EPA rules in particular which could force the loss of an additional 4,000 jobs, as you heard a second ago. Specifically, the National Emission Standards for Hazardous Air Pollutants rule, or NESHAP, for the Portland cement industry, the commercial and industrial solid waste incinerator, CISWI, rule, and finally, the agency's change in the definition of solid waste. In the face of all the economic uncertainty that faces our great Nation, the industry welcomes the introduction of H.R. 2681. It will mitigate regulatory uncertainty and place these rules on a more reasonable schedule. Second, it will enable our industry to continue to make capital investments in the United States that will preserve jobs. It will also give us time to resolve the differences with the EPA on individual compliance levels which will result in regulations that are fair, balanced and, most importantly, achievable. Moreover, it will provide the time necessary for the economy to recover to a point where the industry is able to invest in plant upgrades and cost reductions again. Earlier this year, the Portland Cement Association completed an analysis of the economic and environmental impacts of several final and proposed EPA rules, including those addressed by H.R. 2681. The study concluded that one rule alone would impose a $3.4 billion capital investment on an industry that generated $6.5 billion in revenues in 2010. Now, the EPA did its own cost analysis, and their statistics show that it would require a $2.2 billion capital investment. So whether it is $2.2 billion or $3.4 billion, it is significant capital investment, and no one has addressed operating cost increases due to the new equipment, which will be plus 5 to 10 percent over our current cost structure just to operate our plants in the future. Also as you have heard, 18 of our plants could close, and although the EPA downplays the consequence of job loss, these job losses, the realities are that these jobs will not be readily absorbed in the communities where most plants are located. Therefore, the multiplier effect takes place in our communities where contractors, service employers, raw material suppliers who feed our cement plants with goods and services and consultants no longer will have employment either to support the towns and villages where our cement plants are located. The agency also does not account for the impact of these closures outside the cement sector. Disruptions to the availability of supplies will have adverse impacts on our construction sector, which, as you know, has an unemployment rate of nearly 20 percent. If the economy rebounds, a decrease in domestic production will require an increase in imported cement, probably up to as high as 50 percent by the year 2025. All of that cement will be coming in from offshore sites from around the world. Two other rules, the so-called CISWI and related definition of solid waste, would force an additional four plant closures and add another $2 billion in compliance costs by 2015. Ironically, these also actually undermine the rulemaking that is in place for NESHAP and cause conflict in the two standards for us to choose which way to go or how to invest. The basic elements of the Cement Regulatory Relief Act, a re-proposal of the rules followed by an extension of the compliance deadline, provide a win-win opportunity for American workers and for the environment. This bipartisan bill is also consistent with the President's Executive Order issued earlier this year calling for reasonable regulations. I thank you for this opportunity to testify, and I welcome any questions as we go through the day. Thank you. [The prepared statement of Mr. Harrington follows:] [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] Mr. Whitfield. Thank you, Mr. Harrington. Mr. Rubright, you are recognized for 5 minutes. STATEMENT OF JAMES A. RUBRIGHT Mr. Rubright. Thank you, Chairman Whitfield, Ranking Member Rush and members of the subcommittee. My name is Jim Rubright and I am the CEO of RockTenn, and I am testifying today on behalf of the American Forest and Paper Association and RockTenn. RockTenn is one of America's largest manufacturers of corrugated and paperboard packaging and recycling solutions. We operate 245 manufacturing facilities and we employ 26,000 people, well over 22,000 of whom are in the United States. I am here today to express support of RockTenn and the other AF&PA member companies for H.R. 2250. We need the additional time and certainty provided by the bill for many reasons. The EPA needs the time provided in this bill to write a boiler MACT rule that is achievable, affordable and based on sound science. Our companies need the time to develop compliance strategies which don't exist today in full and to implement the massive capital expenditure programs that will be required to comply with the rule and to do so once and to do so with certainty. Our country needs and deserves this bill in order to mitigate the adverse impact of boiler MACT and the related rulemakings on job growth and economic recovery. Please let me explain. First, a jobs study produced by the AF&PA by Fisher International finds that the boiler MACT regulations will result in significant job losses within the forest products industry. Specifically, the Fisher study concludes that the boiler MACT rules impose on top of the other pending regulations that will impact the forest products industry will put over 20,000 direct jobs only in the pulp and paper sector at risk. That is about 18 percent of the pulp and paper industry's total workforce. Adding the impact on suppliers and downstream spending manufacturing income puts the total number of jobs at risk at 87,000 jobs. When the boiler MACT rules are combined with other pending Air Act rules, and I have included an exhibit that shows 20 rules that we face over the next few years, the jobs at risk rise to 38,000 direct pulp and paper jobs and 161,000 total jobs. The economic consequences of these rules will be felt most keenly in communities that cannot afford further job losses. Most of our mills are located in rural communities where there are few alternatives for employees who see their mills close, and since 1990, in answer to one of the questions that was asked earlier, 221 mills have closed in the United States, costing 150,000 jobs. We need Congress's help to avoid this outcome. I would also ask you to bear in mind that RockTenn and its predecessors through mergers has already wasted $80 million trying to comply with the 2004 boiler MACT rule that was eventually vacated by the courts just 3 months before the compliance deadline. Let me cite the positive things that the bill does to help our companies. This bill will go a long way to see that the EPA has adequate additional time to promulgate a boiler MACT rule that is based on sound science. Earlier this year, as you know, the EPA was driven by court-imposed deadlines to issue a final boiler rule it knew was flawed. By giving the EPA time it needs to properly address this complex scientific and technological issues associated with boiler MACT to free us from the risk of litigation imposing an earlier effective date of that act, H.R. 2250 will actually help avoid further delays, reduce the uncertainty which is going to follow from the certain litigation that will follow the adoption of the final rule and therefore reduce the risk to us of further wasted capital expenditures. The EPA's non-hazardous secondary material rules, which is a companion to the boiler MACT rule, will make biomass and other alternative fuels commonly used for energy in the pulp and paper industry subject to regulation as a solid waste. Please remember, our virgin mills generate about 70 percent of their total energy requirements from biomass recovered in our paper making. Classifying a part of this biomass as waste will dramatically increase the cost of compliance with these unnecessary burdens, likely resulting in the closure of many mills and causing many others to switch from biofuels to fossil fuels. The 3-year compliance period is too short and will again force our member companies to make substantial capital expenditures inefficiently and based on our current best guesses of what the final rules will provide. We estimate the boiler MACT will cost our industry $7 billion in capital, 200 for RockTenn alone, and our annual operating costs will increase by $31 million. Based on the rule the EPA is considering, our suppliers can't even assure us that this or any amount of capital will make us fully compliant. We don't have the excess capital lying around to have a replay of the 2004 boiler MACT rule fiasco. We need this bill to avoid this terrible result. Finally, we need this bill to make sure that the EPA's stay of the boiler MACT rule remains intact and is not reversed prematurely through court actions. Mr. Chairman and members of the subcommittee, I thank you for offering this bill. [The prepared statement of Mr. Rubright follows:] [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] Mr. Whitfield. Thank you. Dr. Gilman, you are recognized for 5 minutes. STATEMENT OF PAUL GILMAN Mr. Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee. Thank you for the opportunity to be here. I speak to you today as an employee of Covanta Energy, which is one of he Nation's largest biomass-to-electricity producers. I also speak to you as a former Assistant Administrator of the EPA for Research and Science Advisor for the agency. We currently operate biomass facilities that will be affected by these MACTs. The fuel is largely agricultural and forestry residue, making us one of the more sustainable uses of biomass. Currently, we are walking an economic tightrope for those facilities. Two are in standby mode because we are having to balance high fuel prices with low power revenues. One of our facilities has been operating on an intermittent basis this year. As a company that operates under the Clean Air Act, we believe it is key to our being viewed as a good neighbor in our community, so we support it and we support its goals, but we do believe the EPA had a right to ask the courts for more time. We think the EPA had it right when they asked for more information, more data for the boiler and CISWI MACT rules. Not only did the paucity of data lead to some illogical outcomes in the regulatory process, it also meant that natural variation from boiler to boiler wasn't properly considered, and even sort of the breakdown of different technologies for comparison purposes wasn't done. Not only those things, but the method used by the agency to derive the emissions standard is seriously flawed. What they did was take pollutants on an individual basis and look at them across the various facilities, find the best emissions achievement and set that as a standard and then repeat the process. So the emissions standards were set really on a pollutant-by-pollutant basis as opposed to a facility-by-facility basis. This answers the question that Mr. Markey had as to why is it that achievable, currently existing technologies can't be used. It is because this pollutant-by-pollutant process has been undertaken as opposed to the plant-by-plant. It is like asking the Olympic decathlon champion to not only win the championship but then beat each of the individual athletes in the 10 individual contests to be beaten as well by that decathlete. The agency also applied some statistical treatment for the data that is really detrimental to our being able to achieve compliance under the standards. So for example, in evaluating the data, it set its emission levels what we call 99 percent cutoff point. What that does for commercial industry solid waste incinerator is mean that a typical one with two units is likely in every single year to have a 20 percent probability that they are going to fail one of the emission standards. Now, I can just tell you, that is not the way to be a good neighbor and that is not a way for me to keep my job if that is how I perform for my company. So it truly is achievable and it is not something that I think the agency would be pleased in the final outcome of. There are a set of issues that this bill would address in the question of the definitions of waste. One of the elements that is not under reconsideration by the agency and therefore can't be addressed in this process, Mr. Green and the gentleman from Oregon also spoke to these questions, we have facilities, biomass facilities in the Central Valley of California that will be made into incinerators by the rules because traditional fuels like stumps from orchards and construction and demolition debris would be reclassified as waste. What will be the outcome of that? We will send those C&D wastes off to landfills. It is actually something I was talking with the senior NRDC staffer about doing the exact opposite of just a week ago and we will leave the stumps in the fields for the farmers to burn. That is why the California Air Resources Board actually opined to the agency that it thought it was on the wrong track for these MACT rules, and I will submit their comments for your record and my statement at that point, Mr. Chairman. [The prepared statement of Mr. Gilman follows:] [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] Mr. Whitfield. Thank you very much, Dr. Gilman. Mr. Walke, you are recognized for 5 minutes. STATEMENT OF JOHN D. WALKE Mr. Walke. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the subcommittee for the opportunity to testify today. My name is John Walke and I am Clean Air Director and Senior Attorney for the Natural Resources Defense Council. The two bills that are the subject of today's hearing weaken the Clean Air Act drastically to authorize the indefinite delay of toxic air pollution standards for incinerators, industrial boilers and cement plants. Worse, these bills rewrite the Clean Air Act and overturn multiple Federal court decisions to eviscerate strong toxic pollution standards that under current law must be applied to control dangerous toxic emissions from these facilities. Industrial boilers and cement plants are some of the largest emitters of mercury and scores of other toxic pollutions that are still failing to comply with basic Clean Air Act requirements for toxic pollution over 2 decades after adoption of the 1990 Amendments. That is not responsible public policy. Were these standards to be delayed by even a single year by these two bills, the potential magnitude of extreme health consequences would be as follows: up to 9,000 premature deaths, 5,500 nonfatal heart attacks, 58,000 asthma attacks and 440,000 days when people must miss work or school due to respiratory illness. Yet H.R. 2250 blocks mercury and air toxic standards for a minimum of 3.5 years, causing an additional 22,750 premature deaths, 14,000 nonfatal heart attacks and 143,000 asthma attacks beyond what current law will prevent. By the same token, H.R. 2681 blocks mercury and air toxic safeguards for a minimum of nearly 5 years, causing an additional 11,250 premature deaths, 6,750 nonfatal heart attacks and 76,500 asthma attacks beyond what current law will prevent. EPA estimates that the value of the health benefits associated with the boiler standards and incinerators are between $22 billion to $54 billion compared with industry compliance costs estimated at only $1.4 billion. EPA has found the benefits of the cements standards to be as high as $18 billion annually with benefits significantly outweighing costs by a margin of up to 19 to 1. Let me emphasize in the strongest possible terms that these bills are not mere ``15-month delays of the rules as EPA itself has requested'' as some have cast this legislation. First, the bills embody the complete evisceration of the substantive statutory standards for achieving reductions in toxic air pollution. The final sections of both bills eliminate the most protective legal standard for reducing toxic air pollution that has been in the Clean Air Act for nearly 21 years. The two bills replace this with the absolute least protective measure even mentioned in the law. It is not defensible policy and represents overreaching beyond the representations of the bills' timing features. This single provision in both bills would have the effect of exempting incinerators, industrial boilers and cement plants from maximum reductions in toxic air pollution emissions in contrast to almost every other major industrial source of toxic air pollution in the Nation. Second, the bill eliminates any statutory deadlines for EPA to reissue standards to protect Americans. Both steps are unprecedented in this committee or in any other legislation introduced in Congress, to my knowledge. I hope you will not vote for these bills, but if members have already decided to do so, I respectfully appeal to your sense of honesty and decency to do at least this: please explain clearly to your constituents, to the church congregations in your districts, to all Americans, why you are voting to actively eliminate protections for children and the unborn against industrial mercury pollution and brain poisoning. Especially those among you that are on record for protecting children and the unborn in other contexts, please explain why there is a double standard where it is acceptable to actively dismantle existing protections for children and the unborn against industrial mercury pollution. In closing, I urge you not to weaken the Clean Air Act so profoundly and cause so much preventable premature deaths, asthma attacks and mercury poisoning. I welcome any questions about my testimony, especially regarding any disagreements about factual or legal characterizations concerning the two bills. Thank you. [The prepared statement of Mr. Walke follows:] [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] Mr. Whitfield. Thank you, Mr. Walke. Mr. Schaeffer, you are recognized for 5 minutes for an opening statement. STATEMENT OF ERIC SCHAEFFER Mr. Schaeffer. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee for the opportunity to testify. I am Eric Schaeffer, Director of the Environmental Integrity Project, an organization dedicated to improving enforcement of our environmental laws. I support the testimony of my colleague, John Walke, who has spent so many years fighting for the Clean Air Act. My own comments can be summarized as follows. As has been explained I think a number of times, the proposed legislation would do much more than delay standards for 15 months. They would prohibit EPA from setting any standards in less than 5 years after enactment of the legislation. They would authorize EPA to delay those standards indefinitely as in never, virtually do eliminate the deadlines, and they also change the basis for setting the standards, and those changes use language that the industry hopes will give them softer standards. These were arguments made in court that were rejected. The bill would give industry a second bite of the apple and change the way standards themselves are set, so this is not a short-term extension to deal with an economic emergency, it is a fundamental change to the law. I do not question the right of Congress to do that. It is absolutely the prerogative of the legislature. I just think it is important to be clear about what the bills would do. I also, to the extent--a suggestion has been made that the decisions reflect a rogue or runaway agency. I think that is unfair. The regulations that have been attacked in this hearing were generated by EPA after EPA first went to court to try to give industry in the last Administration much of what they wanted. Those earlier decisions were rejected by the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals. They were rejected by judges appointed by President Reagan and by President George H.W. Bush, so this is not a sort of wild tear that EPA is on, this is an attempt to respond to decisions that have come down over the last decade made by pretty conservative jurists. Again, Congress has the right to respond to those by changing the law. I just think it is unfair to say that the EPA is somehow off the reservation by doing what the courts have in fact required them to do. Perhaps most importantly, I want to call into question this idea that if we relax standards and allow, you know, mercury emissions to stay the same or even increase, allow toxic emissions to increase, somehow that will be a significant force in reviving manufacturing, creating jobs, keying the economic recovery and conversely if we don't do that we are going to hemorrhage jobs, you know, lose manufacturing competitiveness, see a flood of imports, threaten the economic recovery. I think the effects are much, much more complicated than that. There big, big macroeconomic forces at work. If you look at the cement kiln in particular using statistics from the U.S. Geological Service, who carries these numbers in their minerals yearbook and updates them every year, in the early 1990s we produced about 75,000 tons of cement with 18,000 workers. That production rose about 30 percent by 2006 to nearly 100,000 tons. What happened to payroll? Ten percent of the employment in the industry was cut, the point being that the manufacturers did fine, employees not well. Jobs were cut at those plants. Second, the industry has suggested that somehow these rules would drive the price of cement up and that will threaten the economic recovery. I just want to point out that the price rose about 50 percent at the beginning of the decade over a several- year period. It didn't seem to have any impact on the construction boon, so I would treat that claim skeptically. Clearly, manufacturing has declined at these plants and so has employment over the last few years but imports have declined even faster, so this idea that imports are going to come rushing in where production is constrained is not borne out by the facts. I am just trying to make the point that the bottom- line problem is lack of demand. Until the demand recovers, until the housing market recovers, this industry will not, and the rules have little to do with that. I just want to close by saying that while this bill gives certainty to the industry that they won't have to do anything for at least 5 years and maybe never, it provides no certainty to people who live around these plants that something will be done about toxic emissions. I have not heard that concern expressed today at the hearing. I hope you will give it careful consideration. [The prepared statement of Mr. Schaeffer follows:] [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] Mr. Whitfield. Dr. Valberg, you are recognized for 5 minutes for an opening statement. STATEMENT OF PETER A. VALBERG Mr. Valberg. Thank you. Good afternoon, Mr. Chairman and members of the subcommittee. Thank you for inviting me to testify this morning. I am Peter Valberg, Principal at Gradient, an environmental consulting firm in Boston. I have worked for many years in public health and human health risk assessment. I have been a faculty member at the Harvard School of Public Health and I was a member of a National Academy of Sciences panel that worked on evaluating public health benefits of air pollution regulations. At the outset, let us remind ourselves that by every public health measure from infant mortality to life expectancy, we are healthier today and exposed to fewer hazards than every before. Our present-day air is much cleaner than it was years ago thanks to EPA, and our air quality is among the best in the world. I am here today to address the method by which EPA uses in their projection of benefits from reductions in outdoor air particulate levels, called PM 2.5, or ambient PM 2.5. The dollar value of EPA's calculated benefits is dominated by promised reductions in deaths that EPA assumes to be caused by breathing PM in our ambient air. Asthma is also monetized by EPA as an ambient air concern. In understanding health hazards, the solidity of our scientific knowledge like the solidity of a three-legged stool is supported by three legs of evidence. One leg is observational studies or epidemiology, another leg is experimental studies with lab animals, and the third leg is an understanding of biological mechanism. If any leg is weak or missing, the reliability of our knowledge is compromised. EPA uses the observational studies that examine statistics on two factors which in small part seem to go up and down together. These studies correlate changes in mortality, either temporally on a day-by-day basis or geographically on a city- by-city basis with differences in ambient PM from day to day or from locale to locale. Statistical associations are indeed reported, and EPA assumes PM mortality associations are 100 percent caused by outdoor PM no matter what the PM levels you may breathe in your own home, car or workplace. My points are, one, the mortality evidence doesn't add up; two, most of our PM exposure is not from outdoor air; three, the PM statistical studies cannot identify cause; and four, outdoor PM is recognized as a minor, not a major cause of asthma. The evidence doesn't add up. Lab experiments have carefully examined both human volunteers and animals breathing airborne dust at PM levels hundreds of times greater than in outdoor air without evidence of sudden death or life-threatening effects. Moreover, we have studied the chemicals that constitute the particles in outdoor air, and no one has found a constituent that is lethal when breathed at levels we encounter outdoors. Remember that the basic science of poisons, toxicology, has shown that the dose makes the poison. Where do people get exposed to airborne dust? The majority of our time is spent indoors. Homes, restaurants, malls have high levels of PM from cleaning, cooking, baking and frying. When you clean out your attic or basement, you are breathing much higher PM levels than outdoors. We are exposed to high levels of PM when mowing lawns, raking leaves, enjoying a fireplace. Yet in spite of these vastly larger PM exposures, we have no case reports of people who died because of the dust they inhaled while cleaning or barbecuing. We can identify who died from car accidents, food poisoning, firearms and infections, but out of the tens of thousands of deaths that EPA attributes to breathing PM outdoors, we can't pinpoint anyone who died from inhaling ambient PM. The models require intricate statistical manipulations. The computer models require many assumptions and adjustments. The results you get depend on the model you use, how you set it up and how many different tests you run. You need to correct for many non-PM pollutants as well as non-pollutant factors that may confound those PM mortality associations. It is not clear that all confounders have been taken into account, and mere associations cannot establish causality. For example, increased heat stroke deaths are correlated with increased ice cream sales but none of us would suggest that ice cream sales cause heat stroke. In fact, there are many examples where spurious associations have been observed and dismissed. Finally, on asthma, medical researchers recognize that respiratory infections, mildew, dust, dust mites, pet dander and stress each play a far greater role in asthma than pollutants in ambient air. Among urban neighborhoods sharing the same outdoor air, both childhood and adult asthma vary considerably by location, and doctors investigating these patterns point to risk factors such as obesity, ethnicity, age of housing stock, neighborhood violence. Most importantly, over past decades, asthma has gone up during the very same time period that levels of all air pollutants outdoors have markedly gone down. This is opposite to what you would expect if outdoor PM caused asthma. Finally, taken together, there are major questions about EPA's calculations of lives saved by small PM reductions in our outdoor air. Most importantly, neither animal toxicology or human clinical data validate these statistical associations from the observational epidemiology. How can it be that lower levels of exposure to outdoor PM are killing large numbers of people when our everyday exposures to higher levels of PM are not? Thank you. Thank you very much for this opportunity and I look forward to your questions. [The prepared statement of Mr. Valberg follows:] [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] Mr. Whitfield. Thank you, Dr. Valberg. Mr. Elliott, you are recognized for 5 minutes. STATEMENT OF TODD ELLIOTT Mr. Elliott. Thank you, Chairman Whitfield, Ranking Member Rush and members of the subcommittee for allowing me this opportunity to testify before the subcommittee on a topic of substantial importance to my company and to the manufacturing sector. Again, my name is Todd Elliott. I represent the Celanese Corporation, where I have worked in a variety of positions for over 23 years. Celanese is a Dallas, Texas-based chemical company with a worldwide presence and a workforce of more than 7,250 employees. I am the General Manager of our global acetate business. Our acetate fibers plant in Narrows, Virginia, has been in operation since 1939 and is the largest employer in Giles County. The facility currently employs more than 550 skilled workers and an additional 400 contractors. The acetate facility in Narrows, Virginia, operates seven coal-fired boilers today and six boilers and furnaces that burn natural gas. The site is impacted by the cumulative and costly impacts of the boiler MACT and other State and Federal air quality regulations. While we fully intend to comply with this regulation, it is very important for Congress and the EPA to understand that we compete in a global marketplace. If our costs become too high, we must look at other options, other alternatives, or otherwise we can no longer compete effectively in the marketplace. A recent study conducted by the Council of Industrial Boiler Owners suggested that the boiler MACT regulation could impact almost a quarter-million jobs nationwide and cost our country more than $14 billion. We respectfully encourage you to promote cost-effective regulations that help create a U.S. manufacturing renaissance that preserves jobs our Nation so badly needs. My remarks today will focus on two key ways in which H.R. 2250 addresses industry's concern with the boiler MACT and directs EPA to develop requirements that are more reasonable but still will achieve the objectives of the rule. First, the compliance deadline of the boiler MACT should be extended to 5 years. The current rule essentially requires boilers and process heaters at major facilities to comply with stringent new air emissions standards for hazardous air pollutants within 3 years. Our engineering studies concluded that we will need to add emissions controls to our existing coal-fired boilers or convert those boilers to natural gas. Either alternative would require a very significant capital investment and time investment and could necessitate an extended plant outage while changes are implemented. The 3-year compliance window is too short a time to design, to install and commission the required controls or to convert to natural gas, particularly because the third-party resources with the necessary expertise will be in high demand as thousands of boilers would require modifications at the same time. At present, our Virginia facility has an existing natural gas line. However, this is too small as designed to deliver enough gas to meet anticipated demand if we convert to natural gas. Prior to operating new natural gas boilers, we would need to secure new gas sourcing, pipeline delivery contracts, design and permit and construct a new pipeline. This would be particularly difficult for a facility like ours which is located in a rural and mountainous area and would take at least 3 years to install. Once natural gas is available to the facility, it could take another year to transition from coal to gas and to avoid a complete facility shutdown and the associated lost production and revenue. Extending the boiler MACT compliance deadline from 3 to 5 years as proposed in H.R. 2250 would help ensure that Celanese and the manufacturing sector can achieve compliance. Second, the emissions standards must be achievable in practice. The current rule does not consider whether multiple emissions standards are achievable realistically and concurrently nor does it adequately address the variability of fuel supply or the real-world challenges of compliance with multiple standards at the same time. Under current requirements, compliance with these standards becomes an either/or exercise as it is often impossible to source a fuel that enables a manufacturer to meet all emissions standards at once. For example, we have been able to identify coals that meet either the hydrochloric acid or mercury emissions standards but not both. In addition, variations in the constituents of coal from the same mine or the same seam can further undermine efforts to meet stringent and inflexible standards. In summary, we support H.R. 2250 for the following reasons. It extends the compliance deadline to 5 years, which provides industry with enough time to identify and implement appropriate and economically viable compliance strategies and control operations, and it requires the EPA to take a more reasoned approach that emissions standards must be capable of being met in practice concurrently and on a variety of fuels before they are implemented. So on behalf of Celanese and our Narrows, Virginia, facility, thank you for the opportunity to provide these comments. [The prepared statement of Mr. Elliott follows:] [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] Mr. Whitfield. Thank you, Mr. Elliott, and thank all of you for your testimony. I will recognize myself for 5 minutes of questions. All of you heard the testimony of Ms. McCarthy, and I would ask each one of you, is there anything in her testimony that you particularly would like to make some comment about? Dr. Valberg? Mr. Valberg. Yes. Well, I think that I want to just emphasize that I think EPA has done a very good job in cleaning up the air and so on and I am very much in favor of regulations that reduce air pollution. However, I think the problem is the monetization method. I mean, saying that these deaths are occurring as a consequence of small changes in outdoor air when in fact if you go to the medical community, we all have diseases that we get, all of us are going to die and so on, it is that monetization that I think is flawed and needs to include more of the scientific evidence besides just the statistical associations. Mr. Whitfield. Have you ever made those arguments with EPA that you question the way they calculate these benefits? Mr. Valberg. Yes, I have. I have testified before EPA on some of the Clean Air Science Advisory Committee meetings that they have had together with EPA staff, and I think that they have become quite enamored of the statistical associations. Mr. Whitfield. And how widespread is the concern about the community that you are involved with on the validity of the EPA studies? Mr. Valberg. Well, the statistical associations are just a correlation between numbers, so I don't know that there is necessarily a question about is the statistics being done wrong. I think if you look at the original studies by the authors themselves, you will see in the beginning that they say the hypothesis is that there is a causal effect between ambient particulate and mortality, and they all treat it in the original literature as a hypothesis that is being tested. I think what EPA has moved these associations to is into this regulatory arena where they are using them as reliable. Mr. Whitfield. But if there is no causal connection, that would really invalidate their claims of benefits, wouldn't it? Mr. Valberg. Yes, it would Mr. Whitfield. And that is a major issue, and I read your biography and you are a real expert in this area, and you have genuine concerns about that. Is that correct? Mr. Valberg. I think that the toxicology of the ambient air needs to be given more weight and that in fact our exposure to almost anything is dominated by other sources at school, at work, at home and so on, and ambient air needs to be as clean as possible. We in fact open the windows when we want to clean out the air in our offices or in our homes. But I think that attributing these hundreds of thousands of deaths to outdoor air is only supported by the statistical association. Mr. Whitfield. Well, you know, I think that is a very important point because we have had many hearings on these environmental issues and every time the representatives of the EPA will immediately run to the health benefits that you are going to prevent this thousand deaths, you are going to prevent premature deaths, you are going to prevent this many cases of asthma, you are going to prevent all of these things and yet from your testimony the very basis of a lack of causal effect would basically invalidate all the benefits that they are really depending upon. Mr. Valberg. Exactly, and in fact, there are some recent papers that refer to taking panels of people where you take them into the clinical setting, expose them to 100 or 200 micrograms per cubic meter, see if you see any kinds of effects, and then you also look at people in the ambient environment where the concentrations are 10 to 20 micrograms per cubic meter, you still see the associations in the ambient environment but it is an effect that is occurring for other reasons besides the particulate matter itself because those people in the laboratory did not show the effects. Mr. Whitfield. You know, another concern that many of us have is that we have a very weak economy right now. We are trying to stimulate that economy, and while it is true that these boiler MACT and cement have not caused weakening of the economy, I have here a list of 13 new rules and regulations that EPA is coming out with, and the cumulative impact of that, it seems to me would definitely have an impact on our ability to create jobs. We are not arguing that it caused the loss of jobs but we are making the argument that at this particular time it creates obstacles in our ability to create new jobs. Would you agree with that, Mr. Harrington? Mr. Harrington. Yes, I certainly would. I definitely agree with that, that from my standpoint, back to your original question, there are two areas that we would disagree. First of all, MACT is not available across our sector. There are no proven engineering technical solutions to achieve the NESHAP standards. That is point one. Point two is, there is absolutely not going to be job growth due to NESHAP or CISWI, absolutely not, not sustainable. There will be--there might be a short-term change to a bunch of consultants or a bunch of laboratories who will do some tests as we begin our permit and the process that we always follow to comply and to do better than we possibly can hope to do but at the end of all that transfer moving around, there will be less plants, period. Mr. Whitfield. Mr. Rush, you are recognized for 5 minutes. Mr. Rush. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Walke and Mr. Schaeffer, Dr. Valberg made some pretty controversial conclusions there. What do you have to say, each one of you? How do you respond to some of his assertions? Mr. Walke. Mr. Rush, I would be happy after the hearing to submit numerous, dozens upon dozens of peer-reviewed statements showing effects, associations between particulate matter and premature mortality that contradict the testimony of Dr. Valberg. There are National Academy of Science studies that contradict it. The Clean Air Science Advisory Committee peer- review process and reports contradict those views. Those views are controversial because they are outlier views within the clean air scientific community. They were not accepted by the Bush Administration. They were not accepted by the Clean Air Science Advisory Council. They were not accepted by the Health Effects Institute reexamination of those associations. And I think it is important that that copious record of peer-reviewed studies be included in the record, and we could also invite Dr. Valberg to include studies since there wasn't a single one cited in his testimony that I saw. Mr. Rush. Mr. Schaeffer? Mr. Schaeffer. If I could briefly provide some context for the particulate matter decision-making at EPA. The science that EPA is proceeding from, again with an epidemiological study looking at particulate levels in 26 cities and comparing that to especially premature mortality and screening out the confounding factors that Dr. Valberg raised--diet, income, the other things that can step in and interfere with trying to establish a relationship between pollution and disease--the benefits in EPA's rulemaking you actually see in the hundreds of millions of dollars, those come from avoiding premature deaths. We can argue about what a life is worth, and I don't know if Dr. Valberg wants to go there, but those premature mortalities occur over a long period of time. You can't put somebody in a room and gas them with particulate matter in 15 minutes or even a day and draw any conclusions from that. The point is the long-term exposure. Congress ordered EPA to get those epidemiological studies peer reviewed. The agency went to the Health Effects Institute at the end of the last decade, late 1990s. The Health Effects Institute did an exhaustive review of the PM science, concluded it was solid, that is, that the link between PM exposure, particulate exposure, mortality was very strong. The Bush Administration looked at the same issue in 2005, did an exhaustive review, reached the same conclusions. So to suggest that this is something that is being done with a pocket calculator or the confounding factors aren't being considered or that you can, you know, put a balloon over somebody's head and fill it with particulate matter or that because nobody has, you know, died from sitting in front of a fireplace, that means fine particles aren't a problem, honestly, those are outlandish statements. They are completely inconsistent with decades of science, not just a recent decision. You know, I challenge the witnesses to produce peer- reviewed studies that show that, and we will certainly provide you with the data that EPA has gathered under three Administrations to establish that very strong connection between fine particles, not big chunky particles from barbecuing steak, fine particles, and death. Mr. Rush. I just want to really remind the committee that the Bush Administration did draft a report that was finalized by the Obama Administration, and it is called the Integrated Science Assessment for Particulate Matter, and this report evaluated the scientific literature on human health effects associated with exposure to particulate matter. It was based on dozens of peer-reviewed studies. It had more than 50 authors and contributors and literally scores of peer reviewers, and this report was also subject to extensive external review and commentary, and this scientific effort provides the basis for EPA's analysis of the effects of particulate matter. Were you referring to this report? Mr. Walke. Yes, Mr. Rush. It is dated 2009. I would be happy to submit it to the record, and it finds ``there is a causal relationship between PM-2.5 and mortality both for short-term and long-term exposures.'' That is in an EPA report dated 2009, but as you said, it reaffirms studies that were undertaken first under the Bush Administration. Mr. Rush. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back. Mr. Whitfield. Mr. Sullivan, you are recognized for 5 minutes. Mr. Sullivan. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I was going to see if Dr. Valberg would like to comment on what was just said. Mr. Valberg. Yes, I would. I think the associations that are reported by the statistics are indeed out there but I think that there are a lot of problems with those associations even beyond the fact that they are not reflected in laboratory experiments and even in clinical experiments. I think that the actual associations are after all on a day-by-day basis. The so-called time series studies look at day-by-day changes in particulate levels and look at day-by-day changes in mortality so they are looking at short-term things, and when you try to take that hypothesis to the laboratory, you can't validate it. The associations themselves have peculiar characteristics such as the steepness of the association. In other words, what kind of increment do you get with a given increment of particulate matter actually gets steeper as the air concentrations get cleaner. In other words, as particulate levels go down, this is reported time and time again in these associations, and this goes contrary to what you would expect on a toxicological basis. The association should in fact get stronger as the air gets dirtier and so that as you get the higher levels, then you are getting a larger effect because the dose makes the poison. So I think I don't disagree that there are many associations out there and in fact the very reporting of such associations in such a variety of diverse circumstances where the actual chemical composition of the particulate is quite different in a way is also something that actually does more to undermine their plausibility than to support it. Mr. Sullivan. Thank you. And this next question is for Mr. Rubright, Dr. Gilman and Mr. Elliott. EPA has maintained that boiler MACT rules will result in a net gain of jobs. Do you agree with the EPA that the net effect of EPA's boiler MACT rules as written will be to gain jobs in the United States? Mr. Rubright. Thank you for asking that question because we observe the jobs that will be created are temporary jobs associated with the installation and capital. The jobs that will be eliminated with the closure of facilities are permanent losses. So the net change is dramatically worse. Mr. Gilman. My observation would be, as they were promulgated, they won't have that effect. Our eight plants are sort of a microcosm of that. I would like to think that a dialog between yourselves and the agency would do, as has happened so many times in the Clean Air Act, result in a path forward that indeed could have least impact on jobs and provide for a cleaner environment as well. Mr. Sullivan. Mr. Elliott? Mr. Elliott. We would agree and echo the comments of the other panelists that we think about capital investment in various categories. We think about EHSA, or environmental health and safety capital, maintenance of business capital, revenue generation capital. We would categorize this capital as non-discretionary and it would be in a different league. So perhaps jobs on a temporary basis for engineering consultancy and potentially jobs outside of the United States. Mr. Sullivan. Thank you. Mr. Chairman, I would like to submit for the record an analysis referenced by Mr. Harrington, which was prepared by Portland Cement Association regarding the impacts of EPA's rules on the cement sector. Mr. Whitfield. Without objection. [The information follows:] [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] Mr. Sullivan. Mr. Harrington, you have testified that EPA's recent rules affecting the cement sector could force the closure of 18 out of nearly 100 U.S. cement plants, or 20 percent of the U.S. cement production capacity. Where are most of these cement plants located? Are they like in small towns, rural areas? Mr. Harrington. Yes, they are mostly in small towns in rural areas, and they are sprinkled throughout the United States. I mean, there is one in upper California. There might be one in Ohio. There could be one in upper New York State. There could be one in Illinois. So they are spread throughout the United States. They are always in small rural areas, as Mr. Rubright said, and it is a company town. It is not quite like it was in the 1930s and 1940s but that is sort of the environment that our plants are in. Mr. Sullivan. Will the employees at these facilities be likely to find new work elsewhere in their communities? Mr. Harrington. Anything is possible, and of course, we would like that to be the case, but the opportunities are very limited because they are high-wage jobs. Most of our employees are represented by collective bargaining agreement so they are union employees and they are well paid. They are highly skilled and they are very specialized for the plants and the equipment that we run, so just transferring that job knowledge is difficult. So it will be devastating to those communities. The other thing that we lose, and I am sorry to keep rambling here, but there are a series of small businesspeople and large industry that service our plants--contractors, engineers--sorry. Mr. Whitfield. No, go ahead. Mr. Harrington. Contractors, engineers, local wall material suppliers who may not be employees of our plant but who exist-- Pennsylvania, for sure--who exist because of our plants. Mr. Sullivan. Also---- Mr. Whitfield. Your time is expired. Mr. Doyle, you are recognized for 5 minutes. Mr. Doyle. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you to our witnesses today. I think it is important that we have a well- informed debate on these regulations with inputs from all sides. As many of you know, I represent Pittsburgh, which is in Allegheny County in southwestern Pennsylvania. Allegheny County is home to manufacturing industry, chemical industry, steel industry, energy industry and much, much more, and like all of you, many of these companies have voiced concerns to me with some of the regulations coming out of the Environmental Protection Agency. Most specifically, I have heard a great deal about the boiler MACT rules that we are discussing today. But let me first give you a little background on Allegheny County. Last year, the Pittsburgh Post Gazette ran a series of air pollution effects in the region called Mapping Mortality. In it, they told us in Allegheny County air pollutants are generated by 32 industries and utilities classified by the county health department as major sources because they emit or have the potential to emit 25 tons or more a year of a criteria pollutant, or 10 times or more of hazardous air pollution. The Post Gazette article went further to detail in Allegheny County and research mortality rates not only in our county but in the 13 counties surrounding Allegheny County in and around Pittsburgh. This is what they found: that in all 14 counties that have heart disease, all 14 counties have heart disease mortality rates exceeding the national average. Twelve of the 14 counties have respiratory disease mortality rates exceeding the national average. Three of the 14 counties have lung cancer mortality rates exceeding the national average, and 13 of 14 have a combined mortality rate for all three diseases in excess of the combined national expected rates for the three. So as you can see, I have cause to take these regulations very seriously. I recognize that the boiler MACT rule issued in February wasn't perfect. I know that the industries in southwestern Pennsylvania are providing good-paying jobs for my constituents. But the mortality rates due to heart, respiratory and lung disease can't be ignored. For me and my constituents, the issue is not a political football that we should toss around in Washington. This is real and it is a matter of life and death. So I just have one question for Mr. Rubright, Mr. Gilman and Mr. Elliott. The Clean Air Act already gives you 3 years to comply with the possibility of a fourth year. If you can't do it in three, you can petition your State. I don't think the folks in my district believe that it should take 5 years or, in the case of this bill, 5 years being the minimum and we don't know what the maximum would be, to deal with reining in some of these pollutants, and I understand there are specific issues with the final rule and I think they need to be worked out, and I am for doing that, for EPA, sitting with you and working out these issues sufficiently when they re-propose the final 15 months. My question is, once that is done, would you be willing to accept a deadline within the Clean Air Act of 3 to 4 years? Mr. Rubright. I would like to--there are a couple of things. First, relative to your indication of the health risks, please understand that particulate matter is already regulated under the National Ambient Air Quality Standards, and nine of the 10 virgin mills that we operate are currently in attainment zones and yet they are being regulated under a statute that wasn't intended to regulate particulate matter as a health risk as a particulate matter without regard to whether they are in an attainment zone or a non-attainment zone. So it is a rule that really is inapplicable in many respects to the current environment. Mr. Doyle. My question is, once they do this re-proposing of the rules and address some of these concerns, do you need more than 4 years to comply? Mr. Rubright. Well, certainly. I have already indicated we wasted $80 million to comply with the rule that was rescinded. You heard Ms. McCarthy testify that she doesn't know of a cement plan that can comply with the rules today. We know that 2 percent of the pulp and paper mills today can comply with the standards that apply. Now, my understanding of the act is that maximum achievable control technology is what 12 percent of the existing mills can comply with. So do you think there is going to be litigation of this rule? I think this rule is going to be litigated and I think Ms. McCarthy's testimony is going to be admitted in that litigation. So we are going to have some period of time where again we are going to be required to spend money on a rule which is in litigation. So apart from the fact that our best technological people are telling me we can't do it in 3 years, I certainly know I am going to be doing in advance of the resolution of this rule. So think it just doesn't make any sense to spend money that in the face of---- Mr. Doyle. Do you think it should be addressed at all? Do you think there is a health concern and that the concern over health warrants your company doing something to reduce these pollutants? Mr. Rubright. Please understand, where we understand that there is an identifiable health risk, we do everything we can today. What I am saying to you is, there is nothing we know we can do to comply with these rules, but I also have indicated that I think there is a scientific debate with respect to specific effects of particulate emissions of our plants in rural attainment areas. Mr. Doyle. Dr. Gilman? Mr. Gilman. I would say yes if one of those things that isn't part of the reconsideration process now because the agency feels constrained by prior judicial decisions, that is, the pollutant-by-pollutant approach versus the plant-by-plant approach. That is what makes these unachievable. That is what introduces a technological barrier to implementing achievable standards. Mr. Doyle. Mr. Chairman, you have been generous with my time. I appreciate it. Mr. Whitfield. Thank you. We have two votes on the floor and we only have like a minute left, Morgan, and I know some other members want to ask questions, so you all might as well just spend the day with us. So if you wouldn't mind, we will recess. We only have two votes, and the time is expired on the first one, so we will back, I would say in about 15 minutes, and we will reconvene and finish up the questions at that time. Thank you. [Recess.] Mr. Whitfield. I am going to now recognize the gentleman from Virginia, Mr. Griffith, for his 5 minutes of questions and then when you all come in we will go to you. Mr. Griffith. Thank you all very much for your patience with us. Sometimes we have to run off and cast votes, and I appreciate you all waiting. I do want to say that this is important legislation. Both pieces are extremely important to my district. I don't want to underestimate it but I also have to point out that in the hearings that we had earlier this year and the hearings that we have now, we have had testimony from people who employ folks in Giles County. Thank you, Mr. Elliott, as the largest employer in that county, which is in the 9th district of Virginia, which I am very proud to represent. We have had testimony from Titan America, which is a Roanoke cement facility, employs people who live in the 9th district of Virginia. We have had testimony from MeadWestVaco at their Covington facility, which employs people in the 9th district of Virginia. And we had testimony earlier today from Mr. Rubright of RockTenn, which employs people in the Martinsville area, which include people in the 9th district of Virginia. So when folks say to me, you know, why do you get worked up about this and why do you charge in on some of these things, all I can say is that a lot of these folks didn't actually come from the 9th district of Virginia but they represent jobs in the 9th district of Virginia and they represent people who work there and people who are in the areas where we have double- digit unemployment and, you know, I came off this break doing the Labor Day parade in Covington, which is sponsored by the union there, and last year they had the parade route lined with signs about fixing boiler MACT, so amongst all the political signs were, you know, we have got to fix boiler MACT, and so I am trying to do what my constituents want and what I think my constituents need in order to create jobs not only in the United States of America but in particular in the 9th district of Virginia, and I think that that is what the boiler MACT does, that is what the cement MACT bill that we have before us today for testimony. So, you know, I understand all of you want to be careful in the health side of it but when you face extensive unemployment in the regions that I have just mentioned and already have had announced lost jobs from other rules of the EPA in Giles County in particular and in Russell County within the 9th district of Virginia within the last 2 or 3 months, these are serious matters. And so I would ask you, Mr. Elliott, in regard to jobs, if you don't have the 5 years to comply--and you touched on it in your statement some about the fact that you don't have a big enough gas line to flip over to natural gas and you have a big river beside your facility as well. Exactly, you know, do you need the 5 years or is there a significant potential that those jobs because of costs may go elsewhere? Mr. Elliott. Well, I think all business management is tasked with continuous evaluation of options, you know, what are the best cases for growing and protecting our business, so we always look at alternatives, whether that is alternatives for our facilities in the United States or throughout the world. We like to focus on timelines. I know that is important. But that is part of the issue here. There was a lot of testimony about flexibility around fuel source, at least I talked about the unknown questions still or answers with respect to fuel source, fuel variability. That is very specific to coal. So we still--we are operating several coal-fired boilers today so we want to resolve whether we can sort out whether we can use certain coals to meet certain standards, so that is going to take some time. So I am happy to get into the specifics once we hear back from the EPA exactly how we will resolve that. That then sets the stage one way or the other whether we then have to look at Plan B. Plan B might be installation of natural gas boilers. That is yet another exercise, another engineering effort to then go into the work that would require a 30-odd-mile natural gas line through the mountains of Virginia ultimately. So that is another phase of work that requires engineering, requires estimates and timing and right- of-ways and factors in as well. Then we get to the ultimate question which I think is where you are going, Mr. Griffith, and that is then what do you do, and really depends on the certainty around those choices, the costs and capital associated with those, the resulting operating costs of those decisions. Mr. Griffith. My time is running out, so let me cut to the chase. Mr. Elliott. Yes. Mr. Griffith. If you only get the 3 years, is it not true that you are more likely to have to make a decision to reduce jobs in Giles County than if you have the 5 years proposed in the bill? Mr. Elliott. Yes, I am not sure we could address the regulation as written within the time---- Mr. Griffith. As written, you might have no choice but to move those jobs somewhere else no matter the longstanding commitment to Giles County which exceeds, what, 79 years? Mr. Elliott. Or significantly scale back operations, change operations, look at a footprint alteration. Mr. Griffith. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back. Mr. Whitfield. At this time I will recognize Mr. Olson from Texas for 5 minutes. Mr. Olson. I thank the chairman, and I have just got a couple of questions I just would like to pose to all the panelists, and a lot of this was targeted to Mr. Rubright, and of course he had to leave, but I have some concerns. Again, thank you guys for coming. Just to let you guys know where I am coming from, my dad spent his entire working career in the forest and paper industry, so I have seen, I know as Mr. Rubright said, that the industry has gone through some, quote, unquote in his testimony, trying economic times, and I have seen it firsthand. My father worked for a large paper company, Champion Papers. They had a mill there on the Houston ship channel. He worked for the longest part of his career at anyone place over a decade, and that facility no longer exists because it couldn't compete in the global market. Lots of reasons for that. But again, when I see the fact that they have lost thousands of jobs, they have this blank spot there along the Houston ship channel that is not being used to create jobs and turn our economy around, I get concerned. I get concerned that some of the regulations and that this Administration is pushing this Environmental Protection Agency, they are hurting our economy right here and inhibiting the growth of job creation that we were seeking to have. My question for all of you guys, are there any boilers in your facilities that in your experience are capable of complying with the boiler MACT standard issued by EPA in March of 2011? Anybody out there can hit the target right now? I will start at the end. Mr. Elliott? Mr. Elliott. I think it was acknowledged earlier, Mr. Green asked the question. In some cases we were actually identified by the EPA as having some of the top-performing units around that help set of the regulatory standards for hydrochloric acid and mercury. However, even our best performing boilers can't meet both simultaneously. Mr. Olson. But that was Mr. Green's point. You guys are the best performers and yet you can't hit the standards? Mr. Elliott. Yes, simultaneously. Mr. Olson. Dr. Valberg? Mr. Valberg. I would concede any type to the actual people who run the facilities. Mr. Olson. Well said. I do that a lot of times myself. Mr. Schaeffer? Mr. Schaeffer. I think you are addressing the question to companies that are operating boilers, so I will---- Mr. Olson. Well, in your experience in the industry--I mean, you are obviously an expert witness. You are here to testify before this committee, so are you aware of any boiler out there that can comply with the standards right now? Mr. Schaeffer. Well, I went through the particulate matter standards, which are the surrogate for toxic metals, and it looked like an awful lot of facilities were currently meeting the standard. I haven't gone through all the limits to check that. Mr. Olson. OK. Mr. Walke? Mr. Walke. EPA has identified boilers that can meet the standards, and I will be happy to get that information to supplement the record. Natural gas boilers under the standards for major sources and area sources can easily meet the standards. They are simple tune-up requirements, really, not emission limits, and so we can supplement the record with that information as well. Mr. Olson. That side comment there, that makes my argument for why we need to increase natural gas production here in this country. EPA is trying to thwart that, at least having some study done on hydraulic fracturing, the process that has basically revolutionized the gas resource we have in this country. I mean, that is a great, great point that you made, Mr. Walke. Dr. Gilman? Mr. Gilman. The agency is on the right track for the smaller boilers, the area source boilers. It is the large boilers and the problem goes back to this, you don't get to just pass one emissions standard, you have to pass them all, and you have to be the best at all, and none of our facilities--if we put in the best technology available today, I can't guarantee to my management that we will meet the standard. So as long as we are evaluating these emissions standards on this pollutant-by-pollutant basis rather than looking for the overall performance of the plant, we won't make it. Mr. Olson. That sounds like an issue we are having with the EPA in terms of flexible permitting process for our refineries and our power plants. We are basically--our system in Texas had five different regulated sources, emission sources. We could be over in one but we had to be significantly under in the other four so that the combination was what really matters and unfortunately EPA has taken that from us, and it sounds like that would be something very beneficial to you, Dr. Gilman, some system like that. Mr. Harrington, down at the end, last but certainly not least, sir. Mr. Harrington. I really can't comment on the boilers but I can comment on the cement, and there is not one plant in the United States that meets the NESHAP regulation because of the, as Dr. Gilman pointed out, the four specific elements. We might be good in one, bad on another, not too good here, good over there, and it varies from coast to coast from the top of the border to the bottom of the border across the United States. Mr. Olson. So a flexible permitting system like we had in Texas would address your concerns as well? Mr. Harrington. It would be a great help. Mr. Olson. And again, it has been demonstrably cleaner air since the system has been in process 15 years, and again, last year the EPA took it over from us. I have run out of time. I thank the chair. Yield back. Mr. Whitfield. Mr. Green, you are recognized for 5 minutes. Mr. Green. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Walke, in your testimony you write that it is important to recognize the EPA always has set maximum achievable control technology standards on this very same pollutant-by-pollutant basis for the over 100 MACT standards it has set under each Administration since adoption in the 1990 Amendments. You go on to say that the plain language of the Clean Air Act compels the EPA pollutant-by-pollutant approach and industries' contorted arguments that have not succeeded in court or appeals to different Administrations should not be embraced by Congress to produce dramatically weaker emissions standards. But how do you reasonably do a pollutant-by-pollutant approach without ending up with what has been termed a Franken plant, a plant that even with some of the top performers like Mr. Elliott's in Virginia are not in compliance? Mr. Walke. Well, you do it with pollution control measures that are able to successfully meet all the limits as has been the case in those 100-plus standards including for oil refineries and chemical plants in Texas, Mr. Green, and, you know, this argument just strikes me as kind of a straw man since it is never been one even taken seriously by, you know, three Bush Administration terms or two Clinton Administration terms because those standards were all able to be met without resulting in the apocalyptic consequences that people are claiming. Mr. Green. Well, some of your colleagues on the panel talk about they cannot design, install and commission emissions controls on their existing coal-fired boilers within 3 years. They claim that it is particularly true because third-party resources with expertise to design and install these controls will be in high demand as multiple boiler rules are being implemented in a short-term period of time by both the industry and electric utility industries. Do you share that concern? Mr. Walke. Well, that is a very different concern, and if there are concerns about the ability to install the controls within 3 years, the Clean Air Act provides an additional year, an fourth year for that happen. I would like to note in responding to a question that Mr. Whitfield asked earlier of the panelists, EPA is slated to finalize this boiler stands in April of 2012. If you listen carefully to what Ms. McCarthy said, it is within their power to extend the compliance deadlines to start 3 years from that period with an additional fourth year for this additional period of controls that I just mentioned. So we are already looking at 2016 under the Clean Air Act, which is exactly 5 years from now, from 2011. The Clean Air Act has the flexibilities and the administrative tools necessary to allow EPA to give sufficient time to comply with these standards, and I think we should let that responsible process work. Mr. Green. Mr. Harrington, some of my cement companies have talked about how the subcategorization of the fuels is the crux of the issue for their industry and that EPA should have used better discretion here. Do you agree with this statement, and if so, can you elaborate? Mr. Harrington. It is very much a plant-by-plant decision and issue. We do agree with subcategorization. A lot of the issue still comes back to uncertainty--will it be accepted, will it not be, is there a positive dialog where real, true information is passed back and forth and is accepted. So we can have dialog and we can propose different things and there is always politeness and a spirited and professional discussion but then we go back and then things don't happen. So we continue to look at the clock and look at the calendar and understand what the regulations are and have to go back and plan for our fuel sources, for our capital investment needs, even how we operate our kilns. So I do agree with that issue. Mr. Green. Mr. Elliott, in your testimony you say that making it cost prohibitive to burn alternative fuels, the current rule would force industry to pay excessive prices for natural gas will curtail production. I know that natural gas is the cheapest it has been for decades almost now and can you elaborate on that? Mr. Elliott. Well, this is a particular note around curtailment, and we would like it to be more clear ultimately in the regulation that if, for example, a plant like ours converts to natural gas, if we have to curtail for residential heating or something like that, that we would have the wherewithal to convert temporarily to a backup fuel like fuel oil, for example, and that we would not then have to meet specific regulation standards for that particular source of fuel. So it is a very specific point around curtailment and flexibility on a temporary basis to have that flex fuel option, and I think that is probably fairly common with industrial boiler operators. Mr. Green. Well, I would hope we have enough natural gas now that has been developed that we wouldn't have to worry about curtailment, particular in fuel oil, because I know that is also another issue on the East Coast. Mr. Elliott. It is just not crystal clear at this point that that flexibility exists. Mr. Green. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Whitfield. Thank you, and I see no one else, so I want to thank all of you for taking time and giving us your expert opinions on these pieces of legislation. We look forward to working with all of you as we consider whether or not we are going to move forward with them. With that, we will terminate today's hearing, and we will have 10 days for any member to submit additional material and questions. So thank you all very much for being with us today and we appreciate your patience. [Whereupon, at 2:22 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.] [Material submitted for inclusion in the record follows:] [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]