[Congressional Record Volume 167, Number 86 (Tuesday, May 18, 2021)]
[House]
[Pages H2473-H2479]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF H.R. 1629, FAIRNESS IN ORPHAN DRUG
EXCLUSIVITY ACT DRUGS; PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF H. RES. 275,
CONDEMNING THE HORRIFIC SHOOTINGS IN ATLANTA, GEORGIA, ON MARCH 16,
2021; AND FOR OTHER PURPOSES
Ms. SCANLON. Madam Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I
call up House Resolution 403 and ask for its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:
H. Res. 403
Resolved, That upon adoption of this resolution it shall be
in order to consider in the House the bill (H.R. 1629) to
amend the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act with respect
to limitations on exclusive approval or licensure of orphan
drugs, and for other purposes. All points of order against
consideration of the bill are waived. The bill shall be
considered as read. All points of order against provisions in
the bill are waived. The previous question shall be
considered as ordered on the bill and on any amendment
thereto to final passage without intervening motion except:
(1) one hour of debate equally divided and controlled by the
chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on Energy
and Commerce or their respective designees; and (2) one
motion to recommit.
Sec. 2. Upon adoption of this resolution it shall be in
order without intervention of any point of order to consider
in the House the resolution (H. Res. 275) condemning the
horrific shootings in Atlanta, Georgia, on March 16, 2021,
and reaffirming the House of Representative's commitment to
combating hate, bigotry, and violence against the Asian-
American and Pacific Islander community. The resolution shall
be considered as read. The previous question shall be
considered as ordered on the resolution and preamble to
adoption without intervening motion or demand for division of
the question except one hour of debate equally divided and
controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the
Committee on Oversight and Reform or their respective
designees.
Sec. 3. House Resolution 398 is hereby adopted.
Sec. 4. House Resolution 188, agreed to March 8, 2021 (as
amended by House Resolution 330, agreed to April 20, 2021),
is amended by striking ``May 20, 2021'' each place it appears
and inserting (in each instance) ``July 1, 2021''.
Sec. 5. (a) At any time through the legislative day of
Thursday, May 20, 2021, the Speaker may entertain motions
offered by the Majority Leader or a designee that the House
suspend the rules as though under clause 1 of rule XV with
respect to multiple measures described in subsection (b), and
the Chair shall put the question on any such motion without
debate or intervening motion.
(b) A measure referred to in subsection (a) includes any
measure that was the object of a motion to suspend the rules
on the legislative day of May 17, 2021, or May 18, 2021, in
the form as so offered, on which the yeas and nays were
ordered and further proceedings postponed pursuant to clause
8 of rule XX.
(c) Upon the offering of a motion pursuant to subsection
(a) concerning multiple measures, the ordering of the yeas
and nays on postponed motions to suspend the rules with
respect to such measures is vacated to the end that all such
motions are considered as withdrawn.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentlewoman from Pennsylvania is
recognized for 1 hour.
Ms. SCANLON. Madam Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield
the customary 30 minutes to the gentlewoman from Minnesota (Mrs.
Fischbach), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume.
During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the
purpose of debate only.
General Leave
Ms. SCANLON. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
be given 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentlewoman from Pennsylvania?
There was no objection.
Ms. SCANLON. Madam Speaker, yesterday, the Rules Committee met and
reported a rule, House Resolution 403, providing for consideration of
H.R. 1629, the Fairness in Orphan Drug Exclusivity Act, under a closed
rule. It provides 1 hour of debate equally divided and controlled by
the chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on Energy and
Commerce. It also provides for one motion to recommit.
The rule also provides for consideration of H. Res. 275, the
condemning the horrific shootings in Atlanta, Georgia, on March 16,
2021, and reaffirming the House of Representatives' commitment to
combating hate, bigotry, and violence against the Asian-American and
Pacific Islander community, under a closed rule.
It provides 1 hour of debate equally divided and controlled by the
chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on Oversight and
Reform.
The rule deems as passed H. Res. 398, a resolution recognizing the
forthcoming centennial of the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre.
The rule amends H.R. 188 to provide recess instructions, suspension
authority, and same-day authority through July 1, 2021.
Finally, the rule provides the majority leader or his designee the
ability to en bloc requested rollcall votes on suspension bills
considered on May 17 or 18. This authority lasts through May 20.
Madam Speaker, we are here today to consider two timely and important
bills. The first is a resolution from our colleague, Congresswoman Judy
Chu, condemning the horrific, shootings, in Atlanta, Georgia, in March,
and confirming the House of Representatives' commitment to combating
hate and violence against the Asian-American and Pacific Islander
community.
I want to start by offering my condolences, prayers, and support for
the family and friends of the eight people murdered in Atlanta on March
16 and the thousands of Asian Americans who have been physically or
verbally attacked over the course of the pandemic.
The horrific act of gun violence that took eight lives in Atlanta,
including six Asian women, is a tragedy unambiguously rooted in hate.
It is a tragedy that followed 4,000 reported hate crimes against Asian
Americans over the past year, and it is a tragedy that followed decades
of bigotry, discrimination, and indifference toward the AAPI community.
We must recognize that physical and verbal attacks against people of
Asian descent are not a new phenomenon and that our country has a
shameful past of violence and discrimination directed against Asian
Americans. From the Chinese Exclusion Act to the internment of Japanese
Americans, to the innumerable acts of individual violence that have
cost so many their lives or livelihoods, a vile and persistent racism
has denied many people the basic safeties and individual freedoms that
some others take for granted.
But we also need to recognize that at a time when we are all dealing
with the hardships caused by the pandemic, Asian Americans have had to
deal with additional pain, fear, and loss brought on by the callous and
careless rhetoric of opportunistic politicians and bigots. I have heard
from my constituents and staff members in my office about the pain that
the increase in verbal and physical attacks has caused throughout our
community.
{time} 1515
I admire the incredible work being done by AAPI advocates and
organizers in southeastern Pennsylvania and across the Nation to bring
attention to anti-Asian discrimination and to call for change. Groups
in my district, such as Asian Americans United, Cambodian Association
of Greater Philadelphia, Laos In The House, VietLead, and others across
the United States, have mobilized whole communities to come together
and stand firm against hate and racism.
The anti-hate rallies and vigils organized in response to this year's
shocking attacks are a resounding reminder that hate is not welcome in
our cities and towns, but also that standing up to hatred requires more
than just thoughts and prayers. It requires all of us to recognize and
call out racism when we see it, to work with our neighbors to protect
everyone in our communities, and to lift up voices that aren't always
heard.
As we continue to confront the systemic racism that plagues so much
of our culture, the passage of this resolution by the House must be
part of a greater holistic effort to provide all Americans with
prosperity, justice, and freedom from fear.
Congress cannot keep waiting for problems to boil over in order to do
something about them. I ask that all of my colleagues keep that in mind
as we work to address systemic racism and the other pressing problems
of our day.
I thank Congresswoman Chu for her leadership, and I thank her and the
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members of the Georgia delegation for introducing this important
resolution.
Madam Speaker, I also rise in support of H.R. 1629, the Fairness in
Orphan Drug Exclusivity Act. This bill is sponsored by my good friend
and colleague from the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Congresswoman
Dean, who has bravely shared her family's experience with the hardships
caused by substance use disorder, and who has been a tireless advocate
for Federal solutions to the opioid epidemic.
This much-needed bill would close a loophole in our Federal drug
approval laws, promoting greater competition and lower prices and
allowing more medications to treat opioid use disorder, as well as
other diseases, to come to market. Closing this loophole would increase
access to low-cost treatments and would prevent pharmaceutical
companies from abusing the current law to boost drug prices for
medications that could be sold by competitors at much lower prices.
In particular, this bill would reduce the price of buprenorphine, a
drug that is critically important for medically assisted treatment, or
MAT, of opioid abuse disorder, but which has been made more costly and
less available due to abuse of the current laws.
The opioid epidemic has devastated families in my district and across
the country. Too many communities have experienced the terrible toll of
opioid addiction, and I am glad this is an issue on which Democrats and
Republicans have been able to work together and achieve real results
for the American people.
Since 2018, Congress has been able to pass multiple bipartisan bills
to increase funding for substance use disorder, provide more treatments
and medications for those suffering from opioid addiction, and improve
access to mental health services.
The Fairness in Orphan Drug Exclusivity Act is a straightforward bill
with bipartisan support and sponsorship that passed the House of
Representatives last Congress, and it was on track to pass this
Congress last week before inexplicably being derailed when one of its
former sponsors whipped votes against it.
I thank my Pennsylvania colleagues, Representatives Dean and
Fitzpatrick, for their bipartisan leadership on this bill, which is so
important, not just for Pennsylvanians, but for families across this
country who have struggled to obtain effective and affordable treatment
for loved ones suffering from substance use disorder. I urge its prompt
passage.
Lastly, I want to voice my support for H. Res. 398, a resolution
introduced by Congresswoman Jackson Lee to recognize the forthcoming
centennial of the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre. This event was one of the
most abhorrent instances of racial violence in our Nation's history,
and it is history that we should not ignore or forget.
With this resolution, we can at least recognize the people, families,
and descendants irreparably harmed that day, even if we cannot give
them the justice they deserved.
I thank my colleague, Congresswoman Jackson Lee, for her work to
bring this resolution to the floor and to ensure that we recognize this
terrible moment in our collective past.
I thank all of my colleagues who helped craft the bills we are
considering today. I look forward to supporting this rule, and I urge
my colleagues to do the same.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, I thank the Representative from
Pennsylvania for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield
myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Speaker, we are here today to debate the rule governing the
consideration of the Fairness in Orphan Drug Exclusivity Act and the
resolution to condemn the horrific shootings in Atlanta this past
March.
I want to say right away that it is not the substance of these two
bills to which I take exception; it is the process the majority is
following or not following to move legislation forward.
The first bill in this rule is H. Res. 275, a resolution condemning
the horrific shootings in Atlanta, Georgia, this past March. As Members
of the House of Representatives, we unequivocally condemn violence and
hate against any person or group of people. What happened in Atlanta is
an unimaginable tragedy that must be denounced in no uncertain terms. I
support the idea of the resolution, but not the way my colleagues in
the majority are handling it.
The majority chose to circumvent the prescribed process for a
resolution of this nature, bypassing the usual committee markup
altogether and sidestepping an opportunity for the majority to address
concerns from the minority and allow the House to speak with one
unified voice.
That is not the way the people's House was intended to work, and it
negatively affects both Members of this body and our constituents when
we can't have the kind of discussion required on important pieces of
legislation like this.
The other underlying bill, H.R. 1629, the Fairness in Orphan Drug
Exclusivity Act, came before the House last week and failed to garner
the two-thirds majority needed to pass on suspension after one of our
Republican colleagues was left off the bill that he had long
championed, left off the bill for an issue unrelated to the bill.
Again, I support H.R. 1629 and hope you will, too. But not only did
the Democrats ignore the spirit of bipartisanship by which they claim
to abide and block Republican Members from signing on to this bill,
they did so by continuing to ram through bills without any respect for
process, rules, or courtesy, which brings me to the extension of rule
changes included in the resolution.
It has been 1 year since this body instituted martial law, as my
friend and colleague Ranking Member Cole said during the Rules
Committee hearing yesterday. While at the time there was certainly a
need for changes to the rules to rapidly move legislation at the onset
of the pandemic, the landscape has dramatically shifted, and we are
more than ready to get back to normal.
Instead, more than 1 year later, we are still being governed by
martial law in what has become the least transparent Congress ever.
Democrats in the majority continue to chip away at the rights of the
minority. Before we know it, those in the minority will have no rights
left at all.
The majority of us in this body are fully vaccinated. The science
says that fully vaccinated individuals can and should resume
prepandemic behavior. So why won't the Democratic majority follow the
science and resume regular order in this body?
It is the American people who are losing out, and it would behoove
the Democratic majority to bring the time-tested processes and
transparency back to this institution.
Madam Speaker, I do support the underlying bills. However, I have
serious concerns over the continuance of measures in this rule that
limit transparency and strip the minority's rights in this body. It is
for this reason that I oppose the rule, and I urge my colleagues to do
the same.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. SCANLON. Madam Speaker, like many, I am so excited to see our
country begin to unwind many of the COVID-19 precautions of the last
year, but we are not in the clear yet.
It is no secret that many Members of this body have refused to be
vaccinated, and many of the same Members have also shown repeated
disregard for the dangers posed by the pandemic. We need to extend
certain measures in the House to provide the House with flexibility to
ensure that Congress can expeditiously respond to the future needs
created by the pandemic and the economy and to keep all of those who
serve here safe.
Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California
(Ms. Matsui), a former member of the Rules Committee.
Ms. MATSUI. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.
Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of the rule providing for
consideration of Representative Chu's resolution condemning the
horrific shootings in Atlanta and reaffirming the House's commitment to
combating hate and violence against the AAPI community.
Earlier today, I joined Speaker Pelosi, Representatives Chu and Meng,
and others at an event to mark the importance of the steps we are
taking on the House floor today. Together, Representatives Chu and
Meng's bills make a statement of commitment to a sacred American value:
celebrating our
[[Page H2475]]
diversity as a force against hate and discrimination.
As we honor AAPI Heritage Month, we stand amidst a reckoning on
racial justice and discrimination. We must be intentional about how we
uplift our voices, how we listen, and how we ensure dignity and respect
throughout our communities.
As the past few years have shown, hateful rhetoric can easily spiral
into scapegoating and violence. Xenophobia and blame have proliferated,
from the highest levels of government to our local communities. This
cannot be overlooked. I have shared my own family's story of the
consequences of inaction.
The fear of ``the other'' is nothing new, but it has been chipping
away at our social conscience for far too long. This is what we are
working to root out. We must stop it at the source with a united front.
Today's vote is a reminder that our country is capable of growth;
that this legislative body will not sit in silence while a community
suffers racism and hatred. Future generations are listening, and
together, Americans are standing up and speaking out.
It has been encouraging to see the cohesion amongst Asian Americans
and all Americans in the fight against AAPI hate. I have been heartened
to see individuals, leaders, and organizations come together to help
heal our communities from these historical traumas and move forward
united.
I am proud to support this rule and this bill, and I urge all of my
colleagues to do the same.
Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Madam Speaker, if the issue that the majority has with reopening is
related to vaccinations, I understand the majority claims that their
side is 100 percent vaccinated. I would just say that if that is the
case, science says they have nothing to worry about coming to the House
floor or being in public. But that is not what this is all about. This
is about the Speaker holding on to her slim and tenuous majority by any
means necessary, even weaponizing the House rules to do so.
If we do defeat the previous question, I will offer an amendment to
the rule to provide for consideration of Representative Mast's H.R.
261, the Palestinian International Terrorism Support Prevention Act of
2021.
I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of my amendment in the
Record, along with the extraneous materials, immediately prior to the
vote on the previous question.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentlewoman from Minnesota?
There was no objection.
Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, the Israelis are among our greatest
allies and a critical strategic partner in the international fight
against terrorism. Congressman Mast understands this better than most.
H.R. 261 sanctions foreign governments and persons who provide
support for Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad.
Madam Speaker, I yield 10 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr.
Mast), who represents the 18th Congressional District.
Mr. MAST. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.
Why at this time should we come together bipartisanly on this vote?
That is the question that I am going to attempt to answer.
Members of this body are going to have the opportunity as we move
forward here to either support Hamas or to not, to fight against them.
The choice will be made. People will decide which direction they want
to go.
My bill, H.R. 261, the Palestinian International Terrorism Support
Prevention Act of 2021, would make clear that the United States stands
with Israel and would sanction those who provide financial support to
Hamas. It is that simple.
Now, why do we need to do that? Why is it important to come together
on this? To put a fine point on it, this is not one pissed-off
Palestinian that picked up a shoulder-fired RPG, put it on their
shoulder, and fired it 100 yards over at Israel. That is not what we
are talking about here.
Hamas is sophisticated. They are well organized, and there is a
complex infrastructure involved in getting them their weapons. They
don't just go down to the Gaza Strip rocket depot in order to pick up
these things. They are smuggled across Iraq, Syria, Jordan, into one of
the most densely populated areas of the world without anybody noticing
or saying anything. That is why we need these sanctions.
{time} 1530
Why should we come together bipartisanly on this to support our
friend and ally Israel to stand against Hamas?
Because the rockets that Hamas smuggles and fires at Israel are not
science-fair bottle rockets. Many of them are Fajr-5 missiles, 21-plus
feet long. That is longer than a Chevy Suburban. There are hundreds of
pounds of explosives on the end of that.
The explosives that detonated underneath my legs were about 5 pounds
to 10 pounds of explosives, to put that into perspective.
Why come together bipartisanly to support this?
Because Hamas is not firing these rockets in order to make a pretty
fireworks show. They use these missiles specifically to target large
towns and cities with the express hope of killing Israeli civilians,
like so many that we have heard about.
Ido Avigal was a 5-year-old boy who was murdered when shrapnel from a
rocket ripped through his window in a fortified room that he was hiding
in with his mother.
Daniel Tragerman was a 4-year-old Israeli boy who was killed by a
mortar shell fired by Hamas in 2014.
Soumya Santosh was killed when a rocket fired on Israel by Hamas on
May 11th detonated close to her. She worked as a caretaker to an
elderly woman who had been living in Israel for the last 7 years.
These individuals and so many others are not just collateral damage.
They and millions of other Israeli civilians are targeted. They are
targets of Hamas.
After I was blown up in Afghanistan, I volunteered to serve alongside
Israel Defense Forces. There, I served alongside soldiers that were
driven by their love for their fellow man, rather than by hatred for
their enemies.
I had the honor of getting to know some of the most creative and
caring people I have ever met, who adapted to some of the worst
situations that anybody could be placed into. Every family that I
encountered during my time in Israel shared a desire for their children
to grow, like we do, and to be educated safely without the looming
threat of war.
I learned at the Shabbat tables of my hosts there just how much each
family truly desires peace between every neighbor of Israel, regardless
of religion, regardless of history. They don't want to be attacked.
They want to live in peace. They want to see their children grow.
So why support bipartisanly this legislation?
Because Hamas, on the other hand, uses their own people as shields
and cannon fodder. They don't stand for their people. They don't defend
their people. They stand behind their people. They build their command
and control infrastructure inside hospitals and schools. They launch
their missiles from heavily populated areas.
And this recent round of fighting between Hamas and Israel is exactly
that, a round in an ongoing conflict that goes back decades. Hamas has
consistently launched thousands and thousands of rockets into Israel,
killing and maiming hundreds of civilians.
Why come together bipartisanly?
Because in the last week alone, they have fired more than 3,000
rockets into Israel. This didn't make the news, but in April, over 44
rockets fired into Israel. In January, three rockets fired into Israel.
That is just this year.
Why come together bipartisanly?
In 2020, more than 130 rocket attacks. In 2019, 650 rocket attacks.
In 2018, 350 rocket attacks.
That is more than one a day. Imagine if that was going on here in the
United States.
Why come together bipartisanly?
To make sure that we sanction the enablers of Hamas.
In 2016, Hamas bombed a bus in Jerusalem, killing 2 and wounding 21.
At another time, a Hamas suicide bomber killed one and injured nine.
Another bombing, Palestinian Islamic Jihad claims responsibility for
a suicide bombing in a neighborhood bakery.
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Another bombing in a shawarma restaurant in Tel Aviv killed 11 and
wounded 70. Palestinian Islamic Jihad claimed responsibility, one of
the listed sanctioned groups in this bill.
In another bombing, at a vegetable market, seven people killed.
Palestinian Islamic Jihad claimed responsibility.
In another bombing, two commuter buses in Beersheba, 16 people killed
and over 100 wounded. Hamas claimed responsibility.
Why is this bill needed? Why do we need to come together?
Because Hamas does not finance terrorism with bake sales. They
receive significant support from individual groups and foreign
governments, like Iran.
The U.S. Government has estimated that Iran, by itself, has provided
as much as $100 million annually to Hamas, the Palestinian Islamic
Jihad, and other Palestinian terrorist organizations. These foreign
sponsors seek to bring death to the Jewish state. It is that simple.
Under my bill, the United States will sanction these groups that are
supporting terrorism. If we do not pass this bill, we will not stand
together to sanction these groups that are enabling this terrorism.
This is common sense, which is why it passed the House of
Representatives without any opposition last Congress. The bill even
includes humanitarian exemptions that Democrats in the Foreign Affairs
Committee wrote last Congress, before all voting in favor of this piece
of legislation.
Given the ongoing attacks on Israel, and the bipartisan support for
this bill last Congress, I have asked that this bill be expedited for
consideration again.
Unfortunately, some of our colleagues are now pushing the opposite
direction for the United States to withhold American weapons shipments
to Israel, but they will not support steps to cut off the flow of
weapons and funding from Iran to Hamas that is killing our
Israeli friends. There is a false equivalency that is going on, and
there is a rooting for a terrorist organization that is happening as
well.
So, Madam Speaker, this is my request. Many of you supported this
bill 2 years ago. Support it again now. Stand with our ally, Israel.
Stand against Hamas. Stand against their enablers. Pass this bill
unanimously.
Ms. SCANLON. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Madam Speaker, with all due respect to my colleagues, I must
respectfully decline to chase the red herring that has been lobbed onto
the House floor.
A vote on the PQ is strictly a procedural vote to move a bill
forward. And as our colleagues know, voting ``no'' would simply mean
that we would hand control of the House floor to them, which I decline
to do.
As our colleagues know, they are under no obligation to offer any
specific amendment, even if they faithfully promise to do so. So let's
not distract from the bills that we are here to move forward today.
Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms.
Jackson Lee), the lead sponsor of H. Res. 398, recognizing the
forthcoming centennial of the 1921 Tulsa massacre.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I thank the manager for her
leadership. I also thank all of those on the floor who understand the
indignity of massacres, racism, and devastating histories that our
country has faced.
We, too, are Americans, and I love this country.
Last night, on the floor of the House, I said that, as a young girl,
I knew about the Nina, the Pinta, and the Santa Maria; I knew about
Columbus and Abraham Lincoln and George Washington. And that was well,
though, obviously, there are challenges to that history, even today.
That is what we knew. But we did not know the history--the slave
history or even the fact that there was something called Tulsa,
Oklahoma, a bright and shining star of economic opportunity.
This picture shows young girls dancing in a parade, just like today,
with cowboy hats on, the high school dance team, if you will. None of
that was taught to any of us, this prosperous place.
And then a community known as Greenwood, in June of 1921, after a
series of heinous events that nearly entirely destroyed Greenwood. We
knew nothing about this. A hundred years; three living descendants. We
will be on our way.
I thank the Congressional Black Caucus for championing this with me,
and Chairwoman Beatty for understanding the validity of telling the
truth.
In this story, they saw men, women, and children driven like cattle,
huddled like horses, and treated like beasts. I saw hundreds--this is a
testimony--of men march through the main business section with their
hats off, their hands up, with dozens of guards marching them with guns
and cursing them from everything mentionable. Three hundred of them
died, and are buried in unmarked graves. They were murdered.
The attackers looted and intentionally burned an estimated 1,256
homes in Greenwood, America's Black Wall Street, along with nearly all
of the district's churches, schools, and businesses.
When others began to say, ``Pull yourself up by your bootstraps,''
these freed slaves, for barely 100 years, developed Greenwood.
Yet this is what happened. This is the body of a charred Negro killed
in the riot.
How many were like that?
As I said, the death toll came about because something happened in an
elevator, a word, something like Emmett Till said to a White woman. In
a firestorm of hatred and violence, that is perhaps unequal in
peacetime in the history of the United States, the White mob destroyed
almost 40 square blocks, left almost 9,000 Greenwood district residents
homeless.
So this is a story from 100 years ago. Look at the smoke coming from
the buildings that were industries. People had ice cream parlors,
restaurants, and boarding houses burned to the ground.
We come today to say, the burned-out ruins of Greenwood--there is one
door left in Tulsa, to be able to embrace those from Tulsa, Oklahoma.
They will be here tomorrow for a hearing in the Judiciary Committee. I
am honored this legislation will honor them.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
Ms. SCANLON. Madam Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the
gentlewoman from Texas.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, we will know and history will tell us
that embedded in the annals of the Congressional Record will be H. Res.
398 that talks about that story.
Yet we rise above that, not so much to ignore it, but we ask that we
condemn the violence in this resolution. We ask for rejection and
active opposition to the false ideology of white supremacy. We ask for
tolerance and unity. We ask and are calling upon Americans to celebrate
ethnic, racial, and religious diversity.
We, too, mourn those who were killed in Atlanta for Asian hate. It
says, encouraging all persons in the United States to reflect upon all
of our history. Yes, we can rise above it, but we must know that the
stories that are told say that Tulsa must have some repair, some say
reparations.
Finally, as I close, we hear a testimony from the great-granddaughter
of Howard and Harriet Ector. They were builders and pillars of Black
Wall Street. They were featured in the Smithsonian. As a little girl,
their great-great-granddaughter was saved by hiding in a chicken coop
at age 9 to dodge bullets. It was a race war. We should not ignore our
differences, but we should be unified by who we are.
I am delighted to support this resolution, and I ask my colleagues to
vote for it.
Madam Speaker, I include in the Record a report by the Oklahoma
Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921.
1921 Tulsa Race Massacre Factsheet
Source--Tulsa Race Riot: A Report by the Oklahoma Commission to Study
the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921, Feb. 28, 2001
Following World War I, Tulsa, Oklahoma was recognized
nationally for its affluent African American community known
as the Greenwood District. This thriving business district
and surrounding residential area was referred to as ``Black
Wall Street.'' In June 1921, a series of heinous events
nearly destroyed the entire Greenwood area.
``I saw men, women and children driven like cattle, huddled
like horses and treated like beasts. Thus, I fully realized
the attitude of the Southern white man when he has you
bested. I saw hundreds of men marched
[[Page H2477]]
through the main business section of ``White Town'' with
their hats off and their hands up, with dozens of guards
marching them with guns, cursing them for everything
mentionable. I saw large trucks following up the invaders, as
they ran the colored people from their homes and places of
business. Everything of value was loaded on these trucks and
everything left was burned to ashes. I saw machine guns
turned on the colored men to oust them from their
stronghold.'' --Anonymous primary source
Starting late on the evening on May 31 and continuing into
the day of June 1, 1921, a White mob attacked the Greenwood
district of Tulsa, Oklahoma, razing it to the ground. The
attackers looted and intentionally burned an estimated 1,256
homes in Greenwood--America's ``Black Wall Street''--along
with nearly all the district's churches, schools, and
businesses.
The number of persons killed in the riot may never be
known, but a 2001 report by a commission created by the
Oklahoma legislature estimated, based on available evidence
at that time, that at least 75 to 100 people died in the
Massacre, and found that one credible contemporary source
estimated the death toll at 300 people. All told, in what the
late historian and Tulsa survivor John Hope Franklin
described as a ``firestorm of hatred and violence that is
perhaps unequaled in the peace time history of the United
States,'' the White mob destroyed almost forty-square-blocks
and left almost 9,000 Greenwood district residents homeless.
As the White invaders moved through the district, a violent
pattern of murder, looting, and arson emerged. Armed Whites
would force Black residents from their homes or businesses
where they were held at ``a growing number of internment
centers,'' loot what valuables or furnishings they could
carry, and then torch the structure. They summarily shot any
Black men found in a home with a firearm as well as anyone
else who resisted. This pattern was repeated, ``[h]ouse by
house, block after block'' until all of the city's Black
neighborhoods were engulfed in flames.
Whites engaged in the attack also committed numerous other
atrocities. According to one Black eyewitness, White looters
murdered a Black elderly disabled man who, despite having
expressed a willingness to do so, could not comply with their
order to leave his home. According to one White eyewitness,
prominent Black surgeon Dr. A.C. Jackson was gunned down on
his front lawn with his hands up after attempting to comply
with the White rioters. Another Black eyewitness recounted
how he and 30 or 40 other men who had surrendered to the
rioters were lined up and forced to run with hands over their
heads to an interment center located at Convention Hall, all
while some of their White captors shot at their heels with
guns. A group of White men even ran a car into the group,
knocking over two or three of their number. In another
horrifying display of brutality, a Black disabled homeless
man was tied by his leg to a car and dragged by ``white
thugs'' through the streets of the downtown business district
where he panhandled.
While some might attribute these atrocities to the actions
of a few ``rogue'' officers, the ``official'' police response
to the violence also appears to have been, at best, mired in
confusion and, at worst, to have reflected unfounded racial
fears of a so-called ``Negro uprising.'' Responding to the
baseless rumors that Blacks were coming from outside of town,
the police chief ordered roughly one-fifth of the officers on
duty to setup checkpoints on various roads leading into the
city, and at the railroad station, wasting precious manpower
that could have been used elsewhere to prevent the violence
and destruction.
Following the Massacre, local authorities did less than
nothing to provide justice for the many Black victims.
Thousands of Black residents remained in internment camps in
the days immediately following the Massacre.
Local officials actively sought to hinder the Black
community's rebuilding efforts. Within a week of the
Massacre, the Tulsa City Commission passed a fire ordinance
aimed at preventing Black Tulsans from rebuilding the
Greenwood commercial district where it originally stood, and
the so-called Reconstruction Commission established by White
business and political leaders batted away offers of outside
aid. Black Tulsans successfully challenged the ordinance,
which was later struck down as unconstitutional by the
Oklahoma Supreme Court, and managed to rebuild at least parts
of the community where it once stood. Many other Black
residents left homeless or rightfully feeling fearful and
unwelcome left Tulsa. Thousands of survivors were likely
traumatized by the violence they witnessed or experienced in
the Massacre.
The Massacre also destroyed millions of dollars in Black-
owned property. The 2001 commission also estimated the
property damage at 17 million in 1999 dollars, which would be
more than 25 million today. Another source estimates the
total value of the property destroyed at between 50 and 100
million in today's dollars.
Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman
from Florida (Mr. Gimenez).
Mr. GIMENEZ. Madam Speaker, I rise in opposition to the previous
question and, if defeated, I urge my colleagues to adopt H.R. 261 by my
friend and colleague, Representative Brian Mast.
This legislation places strict sanctions on individuals who knowingly
aid senior members or supporters of terrorist organizations. This
legislation, moving forward, is important in light of the terrorist
acts conducted by Hamas against the State of Israel.
These horrific scenes coming out of Jerusalem depict countless
rockets being launched from Gaza with the intent to massacre innocent
civilians. What we have seen from the Iron Dome's ability to intercept
this high volume of rockets is really truly remarkable, but it also
underscores Israel's security vulnerability.
We are reminded this past week of why the United States must continue
to be an ally of Israel and why our commitment to Israel's sovereignty
and independence is so crucial at a time of heightened regional
hostility. Each rocket launched into Israel was paid for by a certain
group or a certain individual, stemming from a vast network of
financiers, many from Iran, used by these terrorist organizations.
By punishing those who bankroll Hamas, Hezbollah, and other terrorist
organizations, we are taking an important step in providing Israel and
the Jewish people a bold signal of support for their self-defense and
their self-determination.
{time} 1545
This legislation will help put an end to a critical financial
component of these terrorists by punishing those who facilitate
transactions and launder funds on behalf of those terrorist
organizations.
To my colleagues on the other side of the aisle, I call on you to
join our efforts to support our ally Israel. ``Never again'' is a
phrase we used to cement our determination to protect the Jewish people
around the world. At a time when terrorists are threatening the
existence of Israel, Democrats should be willing to join us at the
table for the reaffirmation of that commitment.
Ms. SCANLON. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
South Carolina (Mr. Clyburn), the majority whip.
Mr. CLYBURN. Madam Speaker, I rise today to urge unanimous support
for H. Res. 398, recognizing the 100th anniversary of the 1921 Tulsa
Race Massacre. As a former history teacher, I often quote George
Santayana, who said, ``Those who cannot remember the past are condemned
to repeat it.''
The Tulsa Race Massacre is a prime example of inflaming issues and
ignoring history. They both significantly lead to the inability and
failure to learn the lessons that history can teach us.
It was the inflammatory reporting of the chance encounter of a young
Black man, Dick Rowland, and a young White elevator operator, Sarah
Page, that ignited one of the deadliest episodes of racial violence in
our Nation's history.
On May 31, 1921, the Tulsa Tribune newspaper printed the headline,
and I am quoting here, ``Nab Negro for Attacking Girl in Elevator,''
and the same edition included a report of a White mob's plan to lynch
Rowland. The newspaper account was based on false claims that Mr.
Rowland sexually assaulted the White woman, and is cited as the spark
that incited a mob to burn and loot 35 blocks in the Black Greenwood
neighborhood of Tulsa and kill an estimated 300 people. Greenwood was
known at the time as Black Wall Street due to its status as one of the
most prosperous African-American communities in the country.
The devastation wrought by the mob, many of whom had been deputized
and armed by local officials, took the lives and livelihoods of many in
the Greenwood community. It caused irreparable damage to so many Black
families who never received justice for their losses.
This horrific incident was erased from collective memory when the
Tulsa Tribune destroyed all original copies of the May 31, 1921,
edition of the newspaper and removed all copies from their archives.
Scholars later discovered that police and State militia archives about
the riot were missing as well.
We cannot overcome the issues of race that have troubled our Nation
since its inception by ignoring the failings of our past. To repair our
faults, our country must acknowledge past mistakes and work to ensure
that we don't repeat them.
[[Page H2478]]
Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. SCANLON. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Texas (Mr. Green).
Mr. GREEN of Texas. Madam Speaker, the great writer and intellectual
Carlyle was right, ``No lie can live forever.''
Kill 300 people? No lie can live forever.
Destroy an entire business district? Try to hide it? No lie can live
forever.
Hundreds hospitalized, families destroyed. No lie can live forever.
One hundred years later, truth crushed to Earth has arisen, and no
lie can live forever.
Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. SCANLON. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Nevada (Mr. Horsford).
Mr. HORSFORD. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of H. Res. 398, the
resolution recognizing the forthcoming centennial of the 1921 Tulsa
Race Massacre.
One hundred years ago, the city of Tulsa, Oklahoma, was home to the
Greenwood district, a thriving, prosperous community where Black
families could pursue the American Dream.
On May 31, 1921, this vibrant community was attacked and destroyed by
white supremacists in one of the worst acts of racial violence in
American history.
But today, Greenwood is rising again.
H. Res. 398 commemorates the victims of the Tulsa Race Massacre and
mourns the loss of Black Wall Street to hatred and bigotry. It
celebrates the strength and perseverance of Black Americans, and it
calls on all Americans to work toward a more perfect Union, one that
will finally fulfill our Nation's promise of liberty and justice for
all.
Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. SCANLON. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Georgia (Mr. Johnson).
Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Madam Speaker, 100 years ago this month,
hundreds of Black men, women, and children were brutally terrorized,
brutalized, and murdered in a massacre in the Greenwood district of
Tulsa, Oklahoma. Their homes, businesses, and churches were burned to
the ground. Their land was stolen from them. The thousands of survivors
were locked down and deprived of their liberty without charges.
As the 100-year anniversary of the Greenwood massacre approaches, it
is important that we bring a focus to and examine this piece of history
that has been swept under the rug lest we be bound to repeat it.
If the events of January 6 showed us anything, it is that we are so
close to repeating history. That is why I stand today in full support
of passing H. Res. 398, a resolution offered by my good friend,
Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee, that commemorates in the
Congressional Record for posterity the 100th anniversary of the Tulsa
Race Massacre.
This resolution serves as a reminder that Black people in America to
this day continue to fight to end racist violence perpetrated against
Black people in America.
H. Res. 398 also heralds a Congressional Black Caucus initiative that
CBC chair Joyce Beatty entrusted to my friend, Congresswoman Brenda
Lawrence and I to co-chair; that is, a commemorative virtual event
which will commemorate and examine this horrific massacre. The virtual
event we are hosting will take place on Thursday evening, May 27, at 8
p.m., and is entitled, Remembering the Greenwood Massacre: 100 Years
from Tulsa to the Insurrection (Reconciliation, Restoration, and
Reparations).
Again, this virtual event will be held on May 27, Thursday, from 8 to
9 p.m. This event will be on Zoom, and we are encouraging all to
attend. It is meant to both educate the public about this horrific
attack on a thriving Black community and the massacre of its
inhabitants. It will highlight the relevance and significance of this
race-based attack, especially as it relates to the events of January 6
and the many similarities that exist between these two events.
Anyone interested in attending this virtual event--and, again, I
encourage all to do so within the sound of my voice--they can go to my
website, HankJohnson.House.gov to sign up and receive the Zoom
information.
It is important that we all participate in this event, even if it is
just by listening or hearing from others.
Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. SCANLON. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Illinois (Mr. Danny K. Davis).
Mr. DANNY K. DAVIS of Illinois. Madam Speaker, I want to thank
Representative Sheila Jackson Lee for reminding us what a difference
100 years make. But, you know, 100 years or so ago, there was a race
riot in Searcy, Arkansas. Thousands of African Americans were murdered.
A little more than 100 years ago, there was a riot in Chicago,
Illinois, where hundreds of African Americans were injured. But then
100 years ago in Tulsa, Oklahoma, Black Wall Street, a community where
people had labored, worked hard, seriously put everything into it that
they could, was destroyed. Yet in my town, there is a John Rogers, who
is a descendant. His great grandfather owned the hotel.
John Hope Franklin, the great historian, his relatives were part of
that massacre and the events surrounding it. So Representative Sheila
Jackson Lee, thank you for reminding us that we can never forget and
never go back.
Mrs. FISCHBACH. Mr. Speaker, in closing, I just want to reiterate
that while I do support the idea of the underlying bills, I do not
support the way the Democrats are running the House.
The Democratic majority continues to move on bills with virtually no
input from Republicans and continues to prioritize partisanship over
the American people. We are making great progress with the pandemic and
do not need to consider legislation in this manner. We have got this
rule without a semblance of traditional process, and one of the
resolutions contained in this rule was moved to the Rules Committee
without any sort of markup, leaving the Members of this body without
the means to make amendments or lodge their objections.
That is not the way this body should function. I urge the majority to
make the necessary changes to restore regular order to the House of
Representatives. I do not believe that it is a healthy nor respectful
way to govern.
For this reason, I oppose this rule and urge my colleagues to oppose
it as well.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
{time} 1600
Ms. SCANLON. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
I wanted to mention that Senator Elizabeth Warren, a native of
Oklahoma, carries the Senate version of H. Res. 398 recognizing the
Tulsa centennial.
When I go home and meet with constituents, they want to know what we
are doing here to make their lives better, not whether we have
succeeded in obstructing the passage of necessary or popular
legislation or in shutting down Congress. I suspect that is true for
most Members, and I value those with whom I can work in good faith.
This Congress has already seen its fair share of parliamentary tricks
to disrupt the legislative process, and I applaud the leadership's
efforts to keep Members and staff safe, to advance legislation that
will end the pandemic, and to serve the American people.
Let's be honest about why we are taking up floor time to debate and
pass the orphan drug bill today, a bill with broad bipartisan support
that passed without a single objection last term.
Last week's ``no'' vote by some of our colleagues on the other side
of the aisle was incredibly disrespectful to the Americans we are all
here to represent. Those Members voting ``no'' effectively told their
constituents that they care more about whose name goes on a bill than
they care about actually passing legislation.
Like my colleagues, I am frustrated that this bill did not pass on
suspension last week. The opioid epidemic is a serious issue. Families
in my district and across the country know firsthand the hardships
caused by opioid abuse and addiction, and this issue deserves to be
taken seriously and addressed by Congress, which is why we are bringing
this bill back to the floor a week after one of its former sponsors
blocked its
[[Page H2479]]
passage because his feelings were hurt when he wasn't asked to lead the
bill this term.
Our colleagues extol, when convenient, the virtues of unity and
bipartisanship, but it is important for them to realize that
bipartisanship relies upon trust. And in the wake of January 6, despite
having witnessed the carnage created by falsehoods about the election
results, the majority of our Republican colleagues voted with no
evidence to cancel the electoral votes of several States.
For those of us who represent Pennsylvania, which was ground zero for
those falsehoods and the efforts to undermine and overturn our
electoral process, it is particularly tough to trust Members who have
shown more interest in silencing those who would challenge the lies
than in defending the Constitution.
It is a shame that a bipartisan bill to combat opioid abuse needs to
be reconsidered under a rule, and I hope this time around my colleagues
do what is right and pass the bill to improve access to low-cost
medications to combat opioid addiction.
We are here to pass legislation for the American people, not to put
our names on things. Stunts like what we saw last week are
disrespectful to the House, to its Members, and most of all to the
people we are here to represent.
I thank all of our colleagues who helped craft the bills we are
considering today. I look forward to supporting this rule, and I urge
my colleagues to do the same.
Mr. Speaker, I urge a ``yes'' vote on the rule and the previous
question.
The material previously referred to by Mrs. Fischbach is as follows:
Amendment to House Resolution 403
At the end of the resolution, add the following:
Sec. 6. Immediately upon adoption of this resolution, the
House shall proceed to the consideration in the House of the
bill (H.R. 261) to impose sanctions with respect to foreign
support for Palestinian terrorism, and for other purposes.
All points of order against consideration of the bill are
waived. The bill shall be considered as read. All points of
order against provisions in the bill are waived. The previous
question shall be considered as ordered on the bill and on
any amendment thereto to final passage without intervening
motion except: (1) one hour of debate equally divided and
controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the
Committee on Foreign Affairs; and (2) one motion to recommit.
Sec. 7. Clause l(c) of rule XIX shall not apply to the
consideration of H.R. 261.
Ms. SCANLON. I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the
previous question on the resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Cuellar). The question is on ordering
the previous question.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mrs. FISCHBACH. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further proceedings on this question
are postponed.
____________________