[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 48 (Thursday, March 17, 2022)]
[House]
[Pages H3802-H3810]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
SUSPENDING NORMAL TRADE RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA AND BELARUS ACT
Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the
bill (H.R. 7108) to suspend normal trade relations treatment for the
Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus, and for other purposes.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The text of the bill is as follows:
H.R. 7108
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Suspending Normal Trade
Relations with Russia and Belarus Act''.
SEC. 2. FINDINGS.
Congress finds the following:
(1) The United States is a founding member of the World
Trade Organization (WTO) and is committed to ensuring that
the WTO remains an effective forum for peaceful economic
engagement.
(2) Ukraine is a sovereign nation-state that is entitled to
enter into agreements with other sovereign states and to full
respect of its territorial integrity.
(3) The United States will be unwavering in its support for
a secure, democratic, and sovereign Ukraine, free to choose
its own leaders and future.
(4) Ukraine acceded to the Marrakesh Agreement Establishing
the World Trade Organization (WTO Agreement) and has been a
WTO member since 2008.
(5) Ukraine's participation in the WTO Agreement creates
both rights and obligations vis-a-vis other WTO members.
(6) The Russian Federation acceded to the WTO on August 22,
2012, becoming the 156th WTO member, and the Republic of
Belarus has applied to accede to the WTO.
(7) From the date of its accession, the Russian Federation
committed to apply fully all provisions of the WTO.
(8) The United States Congress authorized permanent normal
trade relations for the Russian Federation through the Russia
and Moldova Jackson-Vanik Repeal and Sergei Magnitsky Rule of
Law Accountability Act of 2012 (Public Law 112-208).
(9) Ukraine communicated to the WTO General Council on
March 2, 2022, urging that all WTO members take action
against the Russian Federation and ``consider further steps
with the view to suspending the Russian Federation's
participation in the WTO for its violation of the purpose and
principles of this Organization''.
(10) Vladimir Putin, a ruthless dictator, has led the
Russian Federation into a war of aggression against Ukraine,
which--
(A) denies Ukraine and its people their collective rights
to independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity;
(B) constitutes an emergency in international relations,
because it is a situation of armed conflict that threatens
the peace and security of all countries, including the United
States; and
(C) denies Ukraine its rightful ability to participate in
international organizations, including the WTO.
(11) The Republic of Belarus, also led by a ruthless
dictator, Aleksander Lukashenka, is providing important
material support to the Russian Federation's aggression.
(12) The Russian Federation's exportation of goods in the
energy sector is central to its ability to wage its war of
aggression on Ukraine.
(13) The United States, along with its allies and partners,
has responded to recent aggression by the Russian Federation
in Ukraine by imposing sweeping financial sanctions and
stringent export controls.
(14) The United States cannot allow the consequences of the
Russian Federation's actions to go unaddressed, and must lead
fellow countries, in all fora, including the WTO, to impose
appropriate consequences for the Russian Federation's
aggression.
SEC. 3. SUSPENSION OF NORMAL TRADE RELATIONS WITH THE RUSSIAN
FEDERATION AND THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS.
(a) Nondiscriminatory Tariff Treatment.--Notwithstanding
any other provision of law, beginning on the day after the
date of the enactment of this Act, the rates of duty set
forth in column 2 of the Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the
United States shall apply to all products of the Russian
Federation and of the Republic of Belarus.
(b) Authority to Proclaim Increased Column 2 Rates.--
(1) In general.--The President may proclaim increases in
the rates of duty applicable to products of the Russian
Federation or the Republic of Belarus, above the rates set
forth in column 2 of the Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the
United States.
(2) Prior consultation.--The President shall, not later
than 5 calendar days before issuing any proclamation under
paragraph (1), consult with the Committee on Ways and Means
of the House of Representatives and the Committee on Finance
of the Senate regarding the basis for and anticipated impact
of the proposed increases to rates of duty described in
paragraph (1).
(3) Termination.--The authority to issue proclamations
under this subsection shall terminate on January 1, 2024.
SEC. 4. RESUMPTION OF APPLICATION OF HTS COLUMN 1 RATES OF
DUTY AND RESTORATION OF NORMAL TRADE RELATIONS
TREATMENT FOR THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THE
REPUBLIC OF BELARUS.
(a) Temporary Application of HTS Column 1 Rates of Duty.--
(1) In general.--Notwithstanding any other provision of law
(including the application of column 2 rates of duty under
section 3), the President is authorized to temporarily
resume, for one or more periods not to exceed 1 year each,
the application of the rates of duty set forth in column 1 of
the Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the United States to the
products of the Russian Federation, the Republic of Belarus,
or both, if the President submits to Congress with respect to
either or both such countries a certification under
subsection (c) for each such period. Such action shall take
effect beginning on the date that is 90 calendar days after
the date of submission of such certification for such period,
unless there is enacted into law during such 90-day period a
joint resolution of disapproval.
(2) Consultation and report.--The President shall, not
later than 45 calendar days before submitting a certification
under paragraph (1)--
(A) consult with the Committee on Ways and Means of the
House of Representatives and the Committee on Finance of the
Senate; and
(B) submit to both such committees a report that explains
the basis for the determination of the President contained in
such certification.
(b) Restoration of Normal Trade Relations Treatment.--
(1) In general.--The President is authorized to resume the
application of the rates of duty set forth in column 1 of the
Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the United States to the
products of the Russian Federation, the Republic of Belarus,
or both, if the President submits to Congress with respect to
either or both such countries a certification under
subsection (c). Such action shall take effect beginning on
the date that is 90 calendar days after the date of
submission of such certification, unless there is enacted
into law during such 90-day period a joint resolution of
disapproval.
(2) Consultation and report.--The President shall, not
later than 45 calendar days before submitting a certification
under paragraph (1)--
(A) consult with the Committee on Ways and Means of the
House of Representatives and the Committee on Finance of the
Senate; and
(B) submit to both such committees a report that explains
the basis for the determination of the President contained in
such certification.
(3) Products of the russian federation.--If the President
submits pursuant to paragraph (1) a certification under
subsection (c) with respect to the Russian Federation and a
joint resolution of disapproval is not enacted during the 90-
day period described in that paragraph, the President may
grant permanent nondiscriminatory tariff treatment (normal
trade relations) to the products of the Russian Federation.
(4) Products of the republic of belarus.--If the President
submits pursuant to paragraph (1) a certification under
subsection (c) with respect to the Republic of Belarus and a
joint resolution of disapproval is not enacted during the 90-
day period described in that paragraph, the President may,
subject to the provisions of chapter 1 of
[[Page H3803]]
title IV of the Trade Act of 1974 (19 U.S.C. 2431 et seq.),
grant nondiscriminatory tariff treatment (normal trade
relations) to the products of the Republic of Belarus.
(c) Certification.--A certification under this subsection
is a certification in writing that--
(1) specifies the action proposed to be taken pursuant to
the certification and whether such action is pursuant to
subsection (a)(1) or (b)(1) of this section; and
(2) contains a determination of the President that the
Russian Federation or the Republic of Belarus (or both)--
(A) has reached an agreement relating to the respective
withdrawal of Russian or Belarusian forces (or both, if
applicable) and cessation of military hostilities that is
accepted by the free and independent government of Ukraine;
(B) poses no immediate military threat of aggression to any
North Atlantic Treaty Organization member; and
(C) recognizes the right of the people of Ukraine to
independently and freely choose their own government.
(d) Joint Resolution of Disapproval.--
(1) Definition.--For purposes of this section, the term
``joint resolution of disapproval'' means only a joint
resolution--
(A) which does not have a preamble;
(B) the title of which is as follows: ``Joint resolution
disapproving the President's certification under section 4(c)
of the Suspending Normal Trade Relations with Russia and
Belarus Act.''; and
(C) the matter after the resolving clause of which is as
follows: ``That Congress disapproves the certification of the
President under section 4(c) of the Suspending Normal Trade
Relations with Russia and Belarus Act, submitted to Congress
on ___'', the blank space being filled in with the
appropriate date.
(2) Introduction in the house of representatives.--During a
period of 5 legislative days beginning on the date that a
certification under subsection (c) is submitted to Congress,
a joint resolution of disapproval may be introduced in the
House of Representatives by the majority leader or the
minority leader.
(3) Introduction in the senate.--During a period of 5 days
on which the Senate is in session beginning on the date that
a certification under subsection (c) is submitted to
Congress, a joint resolution of disapproval may be introduced
in the Senate by the majority leader (or the majority
leader's designee) or the minority leader (or the minority
leader's designee).
(4) Floor consideration in the house of representatives.--
(A) Reporting and discharge.--If a committee of the House
to which a joint resolution of disapproval has been referred
has not reported such joint resolution within 10 legislative
days after the date of referral, that committee shall be
discharged from further consideration thereof.
(B) Proceeding to consideration.--Beginning on the third
legislative day after each committee to which a joint
resolution of disapproval has been referred reports it to the
House or has been discharged from further consideration
thereof, it shall be in order to move to proceed to consider
the joint resolution in the House. All points of order
against the motion are waived. Such a motion shall not be in
order after the House has disposed of a motion to proceed on
a joint resolution with regard to the same certification. The
previous question shall be considered as ordered on the
motion to its adoption without intervening motion. The motion
shall not be debatable. A motion to reconsider the vote by
which the motion is disposed of shall not be in order.
(C) Consideration.--The joint resolution shall be
considered as read. All points of order against the joint
resolution and against its consideration are waived. The
previous question shall be considered as ordered on the joint
resolution to final passage without intervening motion except
two hours of debate equally divided and controlled by the
sponsor of the joint resolution (or a designee) and an
opponent. A motion to reconsider the vote on passage of the
joint resolution shall not be in order.
(5) Consideration in the senate.--
(A) Committee referral.--A joint resolution of disapproval
introduced in the Senate shall be referred to the Committee
on Finance.
(B) Reporting and discharge.--If the Committee on Finance
has not reported such joint resolution of disapproval within
10 days on which the Senate is in session after the date of
referral of such joint resolution, that committee shall be
discharged from further consideration of such joint
resolution and the joint resolution shall be placed on the
appropriate calendar.
(C) Motion to proceed.--Notwithstanding Rule XXII of the
Standing Rules of the Senate, it is in order at any time
after the Committee on Finance reports the joint resolution
of disapproval to the Senate or has been discharged from its
consideration (even though a previous motion to the same
effect has been disagreed to) to move to proceed to the
consideration of the joint resolution, and all points of
order against the joint resolution (and against consideration
of the joint resolution) shall be waived. The motion to
proceed is not debatable. The motion is not subject to a
motion to postpone. A motion to reconsider the vote by which
the motion is agreed to or disagreed to shall not be in
order. If a motion to proceed to the consideration of the
joint resolution of disapproval is agreed to, the joint
resolution shall remain the unfinished business until
disposed of.
(D) Debate.--Debate on the joint resolution of disapproval,
and on all debatable motions and appeals in connection
therewith, shall be limited to not more than 10 hours, which
shall be divided equally between the majority and minority
leaders or their designees. A motion to further limit debate
is in order and not debatable. An amendment to, or a motion
to postpone, or a motion to proceed to the consideration of
other business, or a motion to recommit the joint resolution
of disapproval is not in order.
(E) Vote on passage.--The vote on passage shall occur
immediately following the conclusion of the debate on the
joint resolution of disapproval and a single quorum call at
the conclusion of the debate, if requested in accordance with
the rules of the Senate.
(F) Rules of the chair on procedure.--Appeals from the
decisions of the Chair relating to the application of the
rules of the Senate, as the case may be, to the procedure
relating to the joint resolution of disapproval shall be
decided without debate.
(G) Consideration of veto messages.--Debate in the Senate
of any veto message with respect to the joint resolution of
disapproval, including all debatable motions and appeals in
connection with such joint resolution, shall be limited to 10
hours, to be equally divided between, and controlled by, the
majority leader and the minority leader or their designees.
(6) Procedures in the senate.--Except as otherwise provided
in this subsection, the following procedures shall apply in
the Senate to a joint resolution of disapproval to which this
subsection applies:
(A) Except as provided in subparagraph (B), a joint
resolution of disapproval that has passed the House of
Representatives shall, when received in the Senate, be
referred to the Committee on Finance for consideration in
accordance with this subsection.
(B) If a joint resolution of disapproval to which this
subsection applies was introduced in the Senate before
receipt of a joint resolution of disapproval that has passed
the House of Representatives, the joint resolution from the
House of Representatives shall, when received in the Senate,
be placed on the calendar. If this subparagraph applies, the
procedures in the Senate with respect to a joint resolution
of disapproval introduced in the Senate that contains the
identical matter as the joint resolution of disapproval that
passed the House of Representatives shall be the same as if
no joint resolution of disapproval had been received from the
House of Representatives, except that the vote on passage in
the Senate shall be on the joint resolution of disapproval
that passed the House of Representatives.
(7) Rules of the house of representatives and senate.--This
subsection is enacted by Congress--
(A) as an exercise of the rulemaking power of the Senate
and the House of Representatives, respectively, and as such
are deemed a part of the rules of each House, respectively,
but applicable only with respect to the procedure to be
followed in that House in the case of legislation described
in those sections, and supersede other rules only to the
extent that they are inconsistent with such rules; and
(B) with full recognition of the constitutional right of
either House to change the rules (so far as relating to the
procedure of that House) at any time, in the same manner, and
to the same extent as in the case of any other rule of that
House.
SEC. 5. COOPERATION AND ACCOUNTABILITY AT THE WORLD TRADE
ORGANIZATION.
The United States Trade Representative shall use the voice
and influence of the United States at the WTO to--
(1) condemn the recent aggression in Ukraine;
(2) encourage other WTO members to suspend trade
concessions to the Russian Federation and the Republic of
Belarus;
(3) consider further steps with the view to suspend the
Russian Federation's participation in the WTO; and
(4) seek to halt the accession process of the Republic of
Belarus at the WTO and cease accession-related work.
SEC. 6. MODIFICATIONS TO AND REAUTHORIZATION OF SANCTIONS
UNDER THE GLOBAL MAGNITSKY HUMAN RIGHTS
ACCOUNTABILITY ACT WITH RESPECT TO HUMAN RIGHTS
VIOLATIONS.
(a) Definitions.--Section 1262 of the Global Magnitsky
Human Rights Accountability Act (subtitle F of title XII of
Public Law 114-328; 22 U.S.C. 2656 note) is amended by
striking paragraph (2).
(b) Sense of Congress.--
(1) In general.--The Global Magnitsky Human Rights
Accountability Act (subtitle F of title XII of Public Law
114-328; 22 U.S.C. 2656 note) is amended by inserting after
section 1262 (as amended by subsection (a)) the following new
section:
``SEC. 1262A. SENSE OF CONGRESS.
``It is the sense of Congress that the President should
establish and regularize information sharing and sanctions-
related decisionmaking with like-minded governments
possessing human rights and anti-corruption sanctions
programs similar in nature to those authorized under this
subtitle.''.
(2) Clerical amendment.--The table of contents in section
2(b) and in title XII of division A of the National Defense
Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2017 (Public Law 114-328)
are each amended by inserting after
[[Page H3804]]
the items relating to section 1262 the following:
``Sec. 1262A. Sense of Congress.''.
(c) Imposition of Sanctions.--
(1) In general.--Subsection (a) of section 1263 of the
Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act (Subtitle F
of title XII of Public Law 114-328; 22 U.S.C. 2656 note) is
amended to read as follows:
``(a) In General.--The President may impose the sanctions
described in subsection (b) with respect to any foreign
person that the President determines, based on credible
information--
``(1) is responsible for or complicit in, or has directly
or indirectly engaged in, serious human rights abuse;
``(2) is a current or former government official, or a
person acting for or on behalf of such an official, who is
responsible for or complicit in, or has directly or
indirectly engaged in--
``(A) corruption, including--
``(i) the misappropriation of state assets;
``(ii) the expropriation of private assets for personal
gain;
``(iii) corruption related to government contracts or the
extraction of natural resources; or
``(iv) bribery; or
``(B) the transfer or facilitation of the transfer of the
proceeds of corruption;
``(3) is or has been a leader or official of--
``(A) an entity, including a government entity, that has
engaged in, or whose members have engaged in, any of the
activities described in paragraph (1) or (2) during the
tenure of the leader or official; or
``(B) an entity whose property and interests in property
are blocked pursuant to this section as a result of
activities during the tenure of the leader or official;
``(4) has materially assisted, sponsored, or provided
financial, material, or technological support for, or goods
or services to or in support of--
``(A) an activity described in paragraph (1) or (2) that is
conducted by a foreign person;
``(B) a person whose property and interests in property are
blocked pursuant to this section; or
``(C) an entity, including a government entity, that has
engaged in, or whose members have engaged in, an activity
described in paragraph (1) or (2) conducted by a foreign
person; or
``(5) is owned or controlled by, or has acted or been
purported to act for or on behalf of, directly or indirectly,
a person whose property and interests in property are blocked
pursuant to this section.''.
(2) Consideration of certain information.--Subsection
(c)(2) of such section is amended by striking ``violations of
human rights'' and inserting ``corruption and human rights
abuses''.
(3) Requests by congress.--Subsection (d)(2) of such
section is amended--
(A) in subparagraph (A)--
(i) in the subparagraph heading, by striking ``Human rights
violations'' and inserting ``Serious human rights abuse'';
(ii) by striking ``described in paragraph (1) or (2) of
subsection (a)'' and inserting ``described in subsection (a)
relating to serious human rights abuse''; and
(B) in subparagraph (B)--
(i) in the matter preceding clause (i), by striking
``described in paragraph (3) or (4) of subsection (a)'' and
inserting ``described in subsection (a) relating to
corruption or the transfer or facilitation of the transfer of
the proceeds of corruption''; and
(ii) by striking ``ranking member of--'' and all that
follows through the period at the end and inserting ``ranking
member of one of the appropriate congressional committees.''.
(d) Reports to Congress.--Section 1264(a) of the Global
Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act (subtitle F of
title XII of Public Law 114-328; 22 U.S.C. 2656 note) is
amended--
(1) in paragraph (5), by striking ``; and'' and inserting a
semicolon;
(2) in paragraph (6), by striking the period at the end and
inserting a semicolon; and
(3) by adding at the end the following:
``(7) a description of additional steps taken by the
President through diplomacy, international engagement, and
assistance to foreign or security sectors to address
persistent underlying causes of serious human rights abuse
and corruption in each country in which foreign persons with
respect to which sanctions have been imposed under section
1263 are located; and
``(8) a description of additional steps taken by the
President to ensure the pursuit of judicial accountability in
appropriate jurisdictions with respect to those foreign
persons subject to sanctions under section 1263 for serious
human rights abuse and corruption.''.
(e) Repeal of Sunset.--
(1) In general.--Section 1265 of the Global Magnitsky Human
Rights Accountability Act (subtitle F of title XII of Public
Law 114-328; 22 U.S.C. 2656 note) is repealed.
(2) Clerical amendment.--The table of contents in section
2(b) and in title XII of division A of the National Defense
Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2017 (Public Law 114-328)
are each amended by striking the items relating to section
1265.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mrs. Beatty). Pursuant to the rule, the
gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Neal) and the gentleman from Texas
(Mr. Brady) each will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Massachusetts.
General Leave
Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may
have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and
include extraneous material on the bill under consideration.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Massachusetts?
There was no objection.
Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Speaker, yesterday morning, Congress heard directly from
Ukrainian President Zelenskyy. He showed us the absolute horrors that
Russia is inflicting on the Ukrainian people in full view of the world,
and he pleaded for us to do more.
With the legislation that stands before us at this hour, we intend to
answer his call. Ranking Member Brady and I have been united in our
desire to end permanent normal trade relations with Russia. And I must
say that Mr. Brady has been very consistent as we have discussed this
legislation.
With the House passage of H.R. 7108 today, we will take that
impactful step and place even greater economic pressure on Putin and
his brutal regime. We must do everything in our power to hold Russia
accountable for the atrocities it is committing hourly in the nation of
Ukraine.
This is an unprovoked horror that the world is seeing. Our partners
and allies are joining with us in this effort, taking similar steps to
further isolate Putin and his regime from the rest of the civilized
world.
I urge every single one of our colleagues today to support the
Ukrainian people, punish Russia for its ruthless aggression, and vote
to advance this measure.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Speaker, yesterday, President Zelenskyy made a passionate plea
to the United States and all free nations to stand with the brave
people of Ukraine against Putin's deadly ambitions and heartbreaking
genocide.
After showing gut-wrenching footage of Ukrainian cities torn apart by
missiles and machine guns, he said to be the leader of the world means
to be the leader of peace.
Today, Madam Speaker, we have the opportunity to lead, and I thank
Chairman Neal for his great leadership and work on this bipartisan
provision.
After bipartisan public pressure from lawmakers in Congress in both
parties, President Biden announced his support for suspending Russia's
special trade status. We are taking that action with today's bill.
I was proud to have helped lead this bipartisan effort in the House
Ways and Means Committee and the Senate Finance Committee. Both parties
in Congress came together quickly, working in good faith on a
bipartisan and bicameral agreement to immediately ban purchases of
Russian energy and suspend our trading relationship with Russia and
Belarus.
We don't take these steps lightly, but Russia's aggression requires
this approach.
Russia will no longer enjoy the same special trade status with
America as the country it is invading, so it will no longer be able to
sell made-in-Russia products in the United States at lower tariffs.
Combined with the energy import ban Congress passed last week, which
targets 60 percent of what Russia sells us, this provision targets the
remaining 40 percent, hurting Russia's economy and cutting off funding
for its war effort.
Said another way, American dollars will no longer fund Russia's war
machine. This is another step in the right direction and includes
further incentives for Russia to end its aggression.
This bill includes tough conditions to be met for restoring Russia's
trade status, including Russian action to end hostilities, protecting
the freedom and sovereignty of Ukraine, and ensuring the end of
Russia's aggression.
The same tough conditions apply if the President seeks to end the
energy import ban, and I plan to work with colleagues in the Senate to
achieve that.
Going forward, we must continue to work closely with our allies to
increase
[[Page H3805]]
pressure on Russia and ensure this is an effective global effort.
Neighboring Canada has also taken serious action to do both of these,
and other nations have announced their intentions to do the same.
Unfortunately, the administration's executive orders and the bill we
are voting on today both fail to soften the impact of the oil ban by
replacing Russian oil with made-in-America energy.
We have seen the highest year-over-year increase in wholesale prices
ever recorded. Nearly half the price increases in goods come from the
rise in the price of gasoline over the past year.
Nothing in this bill creates access to more American-made energy on-
and offshore, nor does it approve American pipelines that could easily
replace Russian oil with U.S. and Canadian energy, or accelerate
approval for delayed permits for American export facilities to help the
world wean themselves from the grip of dirty Russian energy.
There is still yet more Congress can do. I would like to see Congress
sanction Russian energy companies so they can't continue to profit and
fuel the war machine.
It is also time for Congress to unleash America's own ability to be
energy independent, replace Russian oil with American sources, and use
our energy strengths to wean the world from Russian energy.
Finally, I want to make it clear to my colleagues: This bipartisan
and bicameral agreement applies only to the suspension of normal trade
relations with Russia. I do not support the inclusion of the Democrats'
Foreign Affairs Committee's Global Magnitsky Act in this bill, which
includes changes to the original statute that I believe are
unnecessarily vague and could lead to future abuses.
I understand this expanded language may have been included in a
temporary executive order by the previous administration to address
human rights, but I don't believe it is warranted in a permanent
expansion of this law. I am confident there are Senators who share my
concerns, and I strongly urge them to remove that provision for future
vetting.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer), the chairman of the Trade Subcommittee who has
been a real leader on this issue.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Madam Speaker, it is great to see the gentleman from
Massachusetts (Mr. Neal) come together with the ranking member.
Congressman Doggett and I introduced legislation 3 weeks ago. This
completes what we had. I am sorry that we were unable to move forward,
but I am pleased that the White House now feels comfortable moving
forward with this legislation.
It is important that we are moving in concert with our allies, but I
think we need that sense of urgency, based on what we heard again
yesterday from President Zelenskyy.
What we have done in Congress with the administration has damaged the
Russian economy for decades, watching what has happened in terms of the
collapse of the ruble, the cratering of their stock market, raising the
cost of living for ordinary Russians, not just chasing the yachts of
the oligarchs.
We have a quarter of the WTO that accounts for about 58 percent of
the global domestic product. Moving to suspend this MFN standing means
the Russian economy will face higher tariff rates, export bans,
investment restrictions, export licensing requirements, customs
hurdles, restrictions on cross-border services, and unequal treatment
for intellectual property and rules of origin.
All of these further cripple the Russian economy. This is another
tightening of that noose, sending a signal.
I hope there is more that we can do economically in terms of weapons,
maybe even find a way to get MiGs to the Ukrainians without starting
World War III.
But in the meantime, it is critical to move forward, to finish the
job we started 3 weeks ago. I am pleased to support it.
Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I am proud to yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from west Texas (Mr. Arrington).
Mr. ARRINGTON. Madam Speaker, suspending Russia's normal trade
relation status with the United States is the right and absolutely
necessary thing to do.
I have to note, Madam Speaker, that our President continues to take
an incremental and piecemeal response to Vladimir Putin and this
unprovoked attack on Ukraine. It is wholly inadequate. Not only will it
not deter this tyrant, I fear it will embolden other adversaries to
follow suit.
Madam Speaker, we have to stop assaulting oil and gas. This has to be
an early warning to the United States and lawmakers.
We can steward the environment. We should. But we have to understand
the geopolitical importance of energy independence. We can do both.
This is America.
Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues, all of my colleagues,
Republicans and Democrats, to support this suspension. But I urge my
President: Be more resolute. Act with a sense of urgency. Provide the
war machines and weaponry that the Ukrainians need to fight for their
freedom and independence.
God bless America.
Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Texas (Mr. Doggett), who has been a real leader on this issue as well.
Mr. DOGGETT. Madam Speaker, the day after Russia invaded Ukraine, I
introduced the centerpiece of today's legislation with Congressman
Blumenauer. It denied Russia preferential trade treatment and would
expel it from the World Trade Organization.
At that time, 3 weeks ago, there was hope that economic sanctions
like this might limit the extent of Putin's brutal aggression. Now we
have seen that economic sanctions are having no immediate impact to
limit the slaughter from Putin's war of annihilation against Ukraine.
Uniting the world to isolate Russia has weakened the ruble,
certainly, but it has not stopped Putin from reducing so much of
Ukraine to rubble.
While I favor excluding every possible Russian import, this bill will
grant President Biden appropriate authority to raise tariffs
significantly on any Russian import that is permitted, and the same for
Belarus.
This is largely the same bill on which I sought action last week
until President Biden requested a delay.
{time} 1415
Surprisingly, this bill does not include the ban on Russian energy
imports that this House approved overwhelmingly last week on the bill
that we considered then. I hope that ban will be restored in further
work on the legislation.
Though important to finally approve this bill as another way to
isolate Russia, we should recognize there is no substitute for getting
Ukrainians all of the weaponry that they have requested, including jet
fighters, to stop the mass murder we observe daily.
The financial pain imposed won't immediately ease the pain of
Ukrainian families. They are paying in blood while we pay in dollars,
but it is one way for us to hold Putin accountable and to act in
solidarity with them.
To those who ask that we adopt further sanctions or more weapons only
if Russia does something more, I say what more barbaric butchery need
we see before doing everything we possibly can, short of sending troops
into Ukraine. The time to do everything is now, the time to provide for
Ukrainian refugees to enter our country is now.
Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Nebraska (Mr. Smith), the Republican leader of the Trade Subcommittee.
Mr. SMITH of Nebraska. Madam Speaker, I rise today to support the
long overdue legislation to hold Russia accountable for its invasion of
Ukraine. It is unfortunate it took so long to get to this point, but I
am glad we have finally reached a consensus.
This bill, as you know, revokes permanent normal trade relations for
Russia and normal trade relations for Belarus, putting them in the same
trade category as North Korea and Cuba, and appropriately so.
The U.S. must take the lead in showing the real economic consequences
of violent acts against NATO members and partners, and this bill is a
key element of that.
We were all moved by President Zelenskyy's address earlier this week,
[[Page H3806]]
and I am glad we are finally answering his call for additional
assistance. We can and should do more, especially when it comes to
banning energy imports from Russia.
As Republican leader of the Trade Subcommittee, I am glad this bill
is finally seeing a vote on the House floor. I support this bill and
certainly urge my colleagues to do the same so we can use the trade
tools at our disposal to hold Vladimir Putin accountable.
Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Illinois (Mr. Danny K. Davis), who has had a longstanding interest in
human rights.
Mr. DANNY K. DAVIS of Illinois. Madam Speaker, the Putin regime
requires every strategy and every action that we can muster to put a
stop to Russia and restore sanity to our world order.
Russia's aggressive and brutal behavior, brutal actions towards
Ukraine is beyond what I call the pale. We have no other choice but to
step in and put a stop to it.
Madam Speaker, I strongly support this resolution.
Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Arkansas (Mr. Crawford).
Mr. CRAWFORD. Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 7108.
Everyone here on the floor with me today can agree that Russia's
aggression in Ukraine with Belarus in support is reprehensible and
wrong.
While I strongly believe that this next round of sanctions will
continue to hold Russia and Belarus accountable, we also can't ignore
soaring fertilizer costs already propelled by global supply chain
issues. Russia and Belarus, unfortunately, are major exporters of
fertilizer and these sanctions may drive costs even higher.
But skyrocketing fertilizer costs won't affect my support for this
bill. Peace must be achieved by all available measures. I will turn my
focus now to solutions to drive fertilizer costs back down.
From temporarily or completely eliminating barriers for fertilizer
trade from other nations, to input subsidies for our producers to
offset input costs, we must be willing to put all available solutions
on the table.
I have always argued that food security is national security, and I
will continue to work with my colleagues to alleviate fertilizer costs
to our farmers in order to grow food for our shelves.
Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Pennsylvania (Mr. Brendan F. Boyle), a champion of human rights
everywhere.
Mr. BRENDAN F. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Madam Speaker, the world right
now, not just Ukraine, but indeed the world, is engaged in a fight
between democracy and autocracy. That is what is at stake on what is
now the battlefields of Ukraine.
I was in Brussels 3 weeks ago at NATO, and I am proud to say I have
never seen the West and the transatlantic alliance this united.
Certainly, not since the days of the Cold War.
Madam Speaker, our trade policy must work in sync with our foreign
policy. That is what we are doing here today by revoking this status on
Russia as well as Belarus. I strongly support it. I am proud of the
fact that the United States and other countries have acted so quickly,
in just a matter of a few weeks, to put the strongest sanctions on
Russia in American history.
We must do this, and we must do even more.
Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from
Indiana (Mrs. Spartz), the first Ukrainian-born Member of the United
States Congress.
Mrs. SPARTZ. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of the Suspending
Normal Trade Relations with Russia and Belarus Act. It is very
important to highlight here that we are do include Belarus in this act.
Unfortunately, under the leadership of President Lukashenko, Belarus
allowed Russians to place ballistic rockets and shell fellow Slavs,
orthodox Christians in Ukraine for weeks. The people of Belarus need to
understand that their leader is part of what is happening in this
genocide in Ukraine, and we cannot create a loophole where Putin is
going to use Belarus to funnel moneys through them.
This is very important legislation also to send a message to Putin
and his allies that the West is serious. It is not a temporary thing.
They cannot just go kill a bunch of people, destroy cities, kill women
and children, and then go back and have business as usual.
Congress is sending a very strong message. If they want to have
peace, it better be soon, and they better get to the table and stop
this insanity in killing of the Ukrainian people.
I also want to share some of the concerns that the Congressman shared
regarding the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act. I
concur with him that these definitions have to be tightened and to
broaden these definitions is giving too much power to the executive
branch. It is not what Congress should do because every time we give
too much power, we are not able to effectively have our oversight
function.
So I urge my colleagues to support this important legislation but
also work with the Senate to make sure that we can fix our concerns. I
am very appreciative that we are able to come on a bipartisan basis and
send a very strong message.
Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Pelosi), whose entire career has been consistently
based on the advancement of human rights everywhere.
Ms. PELOSI. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I
congratulate him on his leadership. The connection between human rights
and economics is a connection that many of us have seen for a while.
When it comes to some countries, for example China, when I was trying
to get an adjustment in trade with China based on human rights, I was
told, Oh, blah, blah, blah. But I said then and I say now of Russia, if
we do not speak out for human rights because of commercial interests,
we lose all moral authority to speak out for human rights in any small
country in the world if these big countries are left off the hook.
Madam Speaker, as we convene today, war rages in Ukraine. Yesterday,
the Congress had the great honor and privilege of receiving a virtual
address by President Zelenskyy, whose heroic leadership has rallied his
nation and inspired the world. Our Members were very moved by his
powerful remarks as well as the heart-wrenching footage he shared
showing the terror and brutality which Putin has unleashed in Ukraine,
including committing war crimes against children.
So it is with great respect for President Zelenskyy's leadership and
with unwavering support for the people of Ukraine that the House today
takes another strong step to punish Russia for its war crimes.
It is my hope that this legislation receives strong bipartisan
support, and I thank the chairman, Mr. Neal, and the ranking member,
Mr. Brady, for working together to make that a reality because it is a
recognition that is worthy of the valor and courage of the people of
Ukraine.
The unimaginable courage, resilience, and determination of the
Ukrainian people has been on full display, as they fight to not only
protect their homeland but to defend democracy itself. The assault that
Putin is making on Ukraine is an assault on democracy writ large. He is
so cowardly and so insecure; he can't stand to see a democracy across
the way from Russia for fear that the Russian people will see a better
way instead of his autocracy. And so the Ukrainians are fighting for
democracy writ large.
Yet, tragically, Putin has repeatedly responded by accelerating
brutality, indiscriminately bombing major cities, attacking civilians
attempting to evacuate the violence, and even murdering mothers and
babies in a maternity hospital.
Russia's cruel and unprovoked invasion has already forced nearly 3
million Ukrainians to flee their homes, creating what the United
Nations has called the fastest growing refugee crisis in Europe since
World War II.
Because Putin shows no sign of ceasing his horrible aggression, the
Congress today will take another step, in lockstep with the Biden
administration and many of our allies, to tighten our stranglehold on
the Russian economy.
The legislation the House will pass today represents an intense
action to further isolate Russia and decimate its economy. Madam
Speaker, I thank Mr. Brady and Mr. Neal for giving us this opportunity.
[[Page H3807]]
With this bill, the United States will suspend permanent normal trade
relations with Russia, which means they will no longer enjoy
preferential tariff treatment, take steps to review Russia's access to
the World Trade Organization, and reauthorize and strengthen the Global
Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act, so that we can impose even
further individual sanctions.
In doing so, we will make it as difficult as possible for Russia to
do business with the United States and our allies, and we will also
suspend normal trade relations with Belarus for its shameful complicity
in Russia's aggression.
Congress and the country salute Ways and Means Chairman Richard Neal
and Ranking Member Kevin Brady, who led the way to steer this
legislation to the floor and garner strong bipartisan support for its
passage. I would also like to thank Congressman Lloyd Doggett and
Congressman Earl Blumenauer for their relentless leadership in showing
that the House was ready with this legislation so we could act quickly
and decisively and have the improving touches that Mr. Brady and Mr.
Neal added to it.
The legislation we pass today builds on swift, devastating sanctions
already being imposed on Russia by America and our allies. We take this
step with extraordinary unity not only within Congress on a bipartisan,
bicameral basis, but also between the Congress and the administration.
{time} 1430
And we do so with historic coordination with our neighbors abroad, as
the members of the G7 and European Union have all agreed to revoke
most-favored-nation status from Russia.
On behalf of the Congress, I salute President Biden for unifying our
allies so that we could move together with this crushing blow. And we
will continue working together to make Putin accountable for his
despicable crimes as he violates the sovereignty and territorial
integrity of Ukraine.
What Putin is doing in Ukraine, bombing civilians, targeting
children, is outside, Madam Speaker, the circle of civilized human
behavior. He is committing war crimes and he must be held accountable.
Madam Speaker, I urge a strong, bipartisan ``aye'' vote.
Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I am proud to yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from Kansas (Mr. Estes).
Mr. ESTES. Madam Speaker, the United States is the greatest market in
the world to do business with. Our consumer spending is double that of
the European Union, and more than triple that of China. Every country
on Earth wants to do business with America.
As we deal with the unjust invasion of Ukraine by Russia and continue
to modernize our Nation's trade deals, like we did with the USMCA, we
must keep in mind that the American marketplace is not something that
is a right. It is a privilege for those that uphold international
order.
For far too long, many have overlooked repeated abuses by certain
trading partners. For whatever reason, they decided it was okay for the
United States to do business with those that lie, cheat, and steal in
violation of international law.
This has been a terrible mistake. Trade, when done right, is a
critical boost to the economy and our families. When done poorly, it
enriches our adversaries at the expense of those who do uphold the
international system.
It is clear that the unjust invasion of Ukraine by Russia cannot
stand. Congress must make clear to the world that normal trade
relations with the United States must be reserved for honest brokers
that adhere to international order. This is the moment when
irresponsible trade with the United States without consequence comes to
an end.
Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
Florida (Ms. Wasserman Schultz), who has had a long history as a
champion of human rights.
Ms. WASSERMAN SCHULTZ. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for
yielding.
I rise today to put the full force of the American people and this
Congress behind dismantling the savage Kremlin war machine.
This legislation shows President Zelenskyy, Ukrainians, and the world
that America will boldly confront Russia's savage attacks on the
Ukrainian people. This bill also holds Belarus to account for its
complicity in Russia's murderous aggression.
They each will learn what every tyrant must: If you invade another
nation, normal trade within our global economy is over.
While President Biden marshals the free world to fiscally cripple
Putin and his oligarchs, this Congress will also move to crush Russia's
militarized economic might.
So this legislation also reviews Russia's and Belarus' access to the
World Trade Organization, and it extends and strengthens the Global
Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act, both of which will further
clip Russia's economic wings.
The grisly, heartbreaking images President Zelenskyy showed us
yesterday made clear that Russia must be punished. And with this
legislation, the people of Ukraine and every global democracy can count
on America to help make that happen.
Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I am proud to yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Rice), the Republican leader of the
Oversight Subcommittee.
Mr. RICE of South Carolina. Madam Speaker, on February 8, President
Biden said that if Russia invaded Ukraine, America would impose
crippling sanctions.
On February 24, President Putin kept to his word and invaded Ukraine.
President Biden has since then slow-walked the sanctions that he
promised, those crippling sanctions that he promised.
Today, 3 weeks after the invasion, as we have watched on the news as
Ukrainians have bravely fought, outmanned and outgunned, and yet they
hold on tenaciously to their property at horrific costs. Their cities
are being destroyed. Innocent civilians are being shot. Women and
children are being attacked on the streets. And yet, the United States
has been slow to move.
Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of this long-overdue bill to
suspend permanent normal trade relations with the Russian Federation
and Belarus. I am a cosponsor of this legislation and would like to
thank Chairman Neal and Ranking Member Brady for their hard work on
this issue.
Last week, the House took the much-needed step of blocking oil and
gas imports from Russia. When we debated that bill last week, I said we
should have gone much further and should not have taken that watered-
down approach.
The United States must stop projecting weakness to Putin and his
allies. President Biden must live up to his word.
Today, we are finally taking a decisive step to punish Russia for
their criminal aggression in Ukraine by ending their special treatment
as a most-favored nation.
Can you imagine that we have continued to recognize them as a most-
favored nation for three weeks, in light of the horrific war crimes
that they are committing every day?
This is an action that only Congress can take, and we held off last
week at the request of the administration.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I yield the gentleman an additional 15
seconds.
Mr. RICE of South Carolina. Madam Speaker, passing this bill will
place significant tariffs on most of Russia's exports to the United
States, further defunding Putin's war machine.
The bill also gives proclamation authority to the USTR to further
raise tariffs on Russia's goods so that American purchasers will stop
funding Putin's war crimes.
Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee ) who has been a consistent champion of human
rights.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I thank Chairman Neal and Congressmen
Doggett and Blumenauer for this important statement.
Slaughter is not a sufficient definition of what Putin and Putin's
war is doing to the innocent Ukrainian people.
I rise in strong support of totally removing from them normal trade
relations, as just a few weeks ago I was on
[[Page H3808]]
the border of Lithuania and Belarus, where the 30 to 40,000 Russian
troops were poised, poised, ready to move and to slaughter.
How outrageous, when babies are killed, when hospitals with pregnant
women, when a mother who lost her life because her pelvis was crushed,
her baby and herself died because of Putin.
They continue to slaughter. They continue to destroy historic places.
They continue to destroy hospitals and government buildings, and they
are not ceasing.
So glory to Ukraine. We must stand with them and realize that their
fight is our fight. As we in the civil rights movement experienced the
idea of lack of justice, we know that this does not even equate to the
violence that Russia is putting forth. I support this legislation.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I rise today in strong support of
H.R. 7108, The Suspending Normal Trade Relations with Russia and
Belarus Act. The Act takes decisive action to respond to Russia's
continued unprovoked attacks on the people of Ukraine and holds Belarus
accountable for its support for Russia's aggression. This legislation
counters Russia's unconscionable actions and Belarus' complicity by
suspending normal trade relations with Russia and Belarus.
This legislation includes additional provisions to expand the United
States' trade tools to stop Russia's unacceptable and unjust war on
Ukraine and to hold Belarus accountable for its involvement.
Specifically, the bill:
Provides the President with time-limited authority to increase
tariffs on products of Russia and Belarus, until January 1, 2024;
Requires the U.S. Trade Representative to use the voice and influence
of the United States to seek suspension of Russia's participation in
the World Trade Organization (WTO) and to halt Belarus' WTO accession
and accession-related work; and
Provides the President with the authority to restore normal trade
relations with Russia and Belarus if these countries have ceased their
acts of aggression against Ukraine and other certain conditions are
met. Congress has the authority to overrule such decision through a
congressional disapproval process.
Since Vladimir Putin began this war, the United States has had a
relentless and devastating economic response in the form of sanctions.
Even prior to this legislation, the United States has already carried
out the following actions:
The connection to the U.S. financial system for Russia's largest
financial institution, Sberbank, including 25 subsidiaries, has been
severed by imposing correspondent and payable-through account
sanctions. This action restricts Sberbank's access to transactions made
in the dollar. Sberbank is the largest bank in Russia, holds nearly
one-third of the overall Russian banking sector's assets, is heavily
connected to the global financial system, and is systemically critical
to the Russian financial system.
Russia's second largest financial institution, VTB Bank (VTB),
including 20 subsidiaries, have been appropriately subject to full
blocking sanctions. This action freezes all of VTB's assets touching
the U.S financial system and prohibits U.S. persons from dealing with
them. VTB holds nearly one-fifth of the overall Russian banking
sector's assets, is heavily exposed to the U.S. and western financial
systems and is systemically critical to the Russian financial system.
Full blocking sanctions also extend to the three other major Russian
financial institutions: Bank Otkritie, Sovcombank OJSC, and
Novikombank- and 34 subsidiaries. These sanctions freeze any of these
institutions' assets touching the U.S financial system and prohibit
U.S. persons from dealing with them. These financial institutions play
a significant role in the Russian economy.
New debt and equity restrictions have been imposed on thirteen of the
most critical major Russian enterprises and entities. This includes
restrictions on all transactions in, provision of financing for, and
other dealings in new debt of greater than 14 days maturity and new
equity issued by thirteen Russian state-owned enterprises and entities:
Sberbank, AlfaBank, Credit Bank of Moscow, Gazprombank, Russian
Agricultural Bank, Gazprom, Gazprom Neft, Transneft, Rostelecom,
RusHydro, Alrosa, Sovcomflot, and Russian Railways. These entities,
including companies critical to the Russian economy with estimated
assets of nearly $1.4 trillion, are no longer able to raise money
through the U.S. market--a key source of capital and revenue
generation, which limits the Kremlin's ability to raise money for its
activity.
There are additional full blocking sanctions on Russian elites and
their family members: Sergei Ivanov (and his son, Sergei), Nikolai
Patrushev (and his son Andrey), Igor Sechin (and his son Ivan), Andrey
Puchkov, Yuriy Solviev (and two real estate companies he owns), Galina
Ulyutina, and Alexander Vedyakhin. This action includes individuals who
have enriched themselves at the expense of the Russian state, and have
elevated their family members into some of the highest position of
powers in the country. It also includes oligarchs who sit atop Russia's
largest financial institutions and are responsible for providing the
resources necessary to support Putin's invasion of Ukraine. This action
follows up on yesterday's action targeting Russian elites and their
family members and cuts them off from the U.S. financial system,
freezes any assets they hold in the United States and blocks their
travel to the United States.
Costs on Belarus for supporting a further invasion of Ukraine by
sanctioning 24 Belarusian individuals and entities, including targeting
Belarus' military and financial capabilities by sanctioning two
significant Belarusian state-owned banks, nine defense firms, and seven
regime-connected official and elites have been enacted.
Sweeping restrictions have been implemented on Russia's military to
strike a blow to Putin's military and strategic ambitions. This
includes measures against military end users, including the Russian
Ministry of Defense. Exports of nearly all U.S. items and items
produced in foreign countries using certain U.S.-origin software,
technology, or equipment will be restricted to targeted military end
users. These comprehensive restrictions apply to the Russian Ministry
of Defense, including the Armed Forces of Russia, wherever located.
Russia-wide restrictions to choke off Russia's import of
technological goods critical to a diversified economy and Putin's
ability to project power are also present. This includes Russia-wide
denial of exports of sensitive technology, primarily targeting the
Russian defense, aviation, and maritime sectors to cut off Russia's
access to cutting-edge technology. In addition to sweeping restrictions
on the Russian-defense sector, the United States government will impose
Russia-wide restrictions on sensitive U.S. technologies produced in
foreign countries using U.S.-origin software, technology, or equipment.
This includes Russia-wide restrictions on semiconductors,
telecommunication, encryption security, lasers, sensors, navigation,
avionics and maritime technologies. These severe and sustained controls
will cut off Russia's access to cutting edge technology.
Historical multilateral cooperation serves as a force multiplier in
restricting more than $50 billion in key inputs to Russia--impacting
far more than that in Russia's production. As a result of this
multilateral coordination, the United States has provided an exemption
for other countries that adopt equally stringent measures. Countries
that adopt substantially similar export restrictions are exempted from
new U.S. licensing requirements for items produced in their countries.
The European Union, Australia, Japan, Canada, New Zealand and the
United Kingdom, have already communicated their plans for parallel
actions. This unprecedented coordination significantly expands the
scope of restrictions on Russia. Further engagement with Allies and
partners will continue to maximize the impact on Russia's military
capabilities.
Madam Speaker, taking further action against both Russia and Belarus
on the international stage is of the utmost necessity in showing our
European allies that we are steadfast in our opposition to this bloody
war. The Suspending Normal Trade Relations with Russia and Belarus Act
does exactly that symbolically and literally, and I am confident it
will play a role in ending this war.
It is for that reason, Madam Speaker, that I rise in strong support
of the Suspending Normal Trade Relations with Russia and Belarus Act
and urge my colleagues support for the Act.
Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Grothman).
Mr. GROTHMAN. Suspending normal trade relations with Russia is
important. It is my belief 20 years from now the part of this bill that
will most be remembered is the change in the Magnitsky Act, which is
normally used to sanction foreign elected officials.
Right now, the Magnitsky Act can be used only for defined crimes,
extrajudicial killings, torture, prolonged detention without trial. We
are now opening up that act to unlimited human rights, however defined,
including sanctioning people, for example, not following the LGBTQ
agenda, or not being sufficiently pro-abortion.
We have heard before this country weighing in on countries like the
Dominican Republic, Hungary, African and Latin American countries,
using our economic might to punish them when they don't adopt our view
or I'd say the liberal view of Christianity.
It is with great disappointment that people held out and risked
whether this
[[Page H3809]]
bill would go ahead or not on changing the Magnitsky Act.
Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Tennessee (Mr. Cohen) whose work on human rights is well known.
Mr. COHEN. Madam Speaker, as a member, co-chairman of the Helsinki
Commission, I want to compliment Mr. Cardin and Mr. Wicker and their
work on this bill, bipartisan, from the Senate.
What Russia has done with Ukraine is immoral. It is illegal. It is
against the word, the acts, the intentions of every godly character
ever. God would not have approved. WWJD?
What Russia has done deserves the entire condemnation of the world;
and everything we can do to condemn them and put them out of organized
civilized society is appropriate because they are not acting as a
civilized member of society.
I support this bill. I think there is not too much we can do to
Russia. There is not too much that they have done to Ukraine and
continue to do in killing children, and disabled, and orphans. They
deserve all of the might of the United States that we can put on them
and take away from them. We need to punish them with all we have. I
support the bill entirely.
Glory to Ukraine.
Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), our distinguished majority leader who, again, has
been a consistent champion of human rights.
Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Massachusetts
(Mr. Neal), the chairman of the Ways and Means Committee for yielding.
I thank the gentleman from Texas for joining in this effort to ensure
that America speaks with a strong and certain voice.
Madam Speaker, yesterday, we heard from President Zelenskyy, an
historic address that moved us all. He spoke in an hour of peril for
democracy in his country and at a turning point for democracy around
the world.
We were, and remain, awed by the courage mirrored by that individual
who leads Ukraine, and of the people he leads who, in light of an
overwhelming force, said no, we will not yield. We will stand, and we
will fight, and we will speak out for our country.
Contrary to the premise of the war criminal who leads Russia saying
that they would welcome the Russian troops with open arms. That was a
lie, a lie to the Russian people, a lie to the Russian conscripts, and
a lie to the world.
Vladimir Putin's criminal and unprovoked invasion of the sovereign
nation of Ukraine has only grown more brutal, Madam Speaker, through
the days and weeks. We have seen his forces target civilian areas, bomb
hospitals, and disappear Ukrainian elected officials in areas they
occupy.
This House is being asked today whether to repeal Russia's permanent,
normal trade relations status. The question ought to be: Is Russia
behaving like a normal, law-abiding nation? And of course, the
resounding answer of the world has been no.
Indeed, there is nothing normal about its behavior or about Putin's
choices. He has violated every norm that has been in place since the
end of the Second World War. He is testing the resolve of the
democratic free world. And thankfully, we are meeting that test with
unity, with resolve, and with strength.
The revocation of Russia's normal trade status with the United
States, as well as that of its ally, Belarus, is just the latest tool,
Madam Speaker, being employed to isolate Russia economically and
prevent the replenishment of its military assets being depleted in the
invasion of Ukraine.
Putin clearly should have envisioned the pain that his invasion would
be bringing down on his own country. That is a shame, because it is
clear that a large segment of the Russian people do not want this war
and, in fact, thousands of them are in jail because they have publicly
made that clear.
They don't want to see their children being sent off to kill, maim,
and terrorize the people of a friendly neighbor that caused them no
threat; whose citizens maintain close people-to-people relations with
the Russian people; and they do not want to lose access to the global
marketplaces in which many Russian entrepreneurs and innovators have
been participating and finding opportunities.
But no, the murderer of Moscow determined that he wanted to see the
Russian empire restored, not because he was threatened, not because
Russia was threatened, but because it would serve his ego and concept
of empire.
{time} 1445
As Russia continues to grow more and more isolated, as the vise
tightens around its media, as the last few flickers of freedom for its
people are extinguished, its people need only look to the Kremlin for
answers.
Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes.'' Vote ``yes'' for
the heroic people of Ukraine. Vote ``yes'' for a leader that has shown
us courage and commitment to freedom and to democracy. Vote ``yes'' to
tell Vladimir Putin that norms still matter, and we will not stand by
as he seeks to break them.
No, normal relations are not warranted.
Vote ``yes.'' Vote for democracy. Vote for freedom. Vote for a
courageous people. Vote for a free Ukraine.
Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Speaker, as the Bible tells us, to whom much is given, much is
required. Every American hearing and watching President Zelenskyy
yesterday had to understand so much more is required of us to end this
war in Ukraine and to aid the Ukrainian people in their victory over
Russia.
This bill takes an important step to defund American revenue that
would fund the Russian war machine. It takes an important bipartisan
step forward to make sure that Russian products don't enter into the
U.S. with the same treatment as the invaded country, as Ukraine's
products come into the United States.
Madam Speaker, I am proud to have worked with Chairman Neal, our
Democrat colleagues, and the House and Senate on this measure. I know
more must be done to provide lethal aid to Ukraine to continue to
expand and strengthen economic sanctions; to bring our allies together;
to make sure, in my view, that America takes the necessary steps to
replace Russian oil with the cleanest made-in-America energy, oil, and
gas here in the United States as well.
But as Congresswoman Victoria Spartz, a Ukrainian-born Member of
Congress, said, this step today is crucial in our defense of Ukraine,
the Ukrainian people, and democracy in the world.
Madam Speaker, I urge a ``yes'' vote on this bill, and I yield back
the balance of my time.
Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Speaker, as I close, I thank Mr. Brady for his partnership in
this effort to hold Putin accountable and for his support for the
Ukrainian people.
I also was moved by the gentlewoman from Indiana's testimony just a
few minutes ago about Ukraine when she said this is not normal
behavior. This is not the regularization, we hope, of normal behavior,
a return to the old Soviet empire.
Madam Speaker, I applaud the terrific work of the Committee on Ways
and Means Trade Subcommittee staff, particularly Alexandra Whittaker,
Katie White, and Sofia Ferber. Their expertise and dedication made this
legislation possible, and I thank them for their contributions.
Madam Speaker, I think in the many years that I have been in this
House, one of the most moving moments occurred yesterday when we heard
the President of Ukraine, Zelenskyy--duly elected, incidentally--talk
about the pain and anguish but also the courage of the Ukrainian
people. To witness the bombardment and the murder and killing of
innocent children by this Russian dictator, I hope all the world, like
this Congress today, will abhor that.
Madam Speaker, it is not enough just to applaud and to talk about the
challenges that Russia has presented to the civilized world. We have to
do something about it.
Coming on the heels of the oil embargo, I believe this will also
receive broad bipartisan support today, and it will swiftly move from
Congress to President Biden's desk. There is no time to waste.
[[Page H3810]]
Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support H.R. 7108, and I yield
back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the
gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Neal) that the House suspend the
rules and pass the bill, H.R. 7108.
The question was taken.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 424,
nays 8, not voting 1, as follows:
[Roll No. 78]
YEAS--424
Adams
Aderholt
Aguilar
Allen
Allred
Amodei
Armstrong
Arrington
Auchincloss
Axne
Babin
Bacon
Baird
Balderson
Banks
Barr
Barragan
Bass
Beatty
Bentz
Bera
Bergman
Beyer
Bice (OK)
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Blumenauer
Blunt Rochester
Bonamici
Bost
Bourdeaux
Bowman
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brady
Brooks
Brown (MD)
Brown (OH)
Brownley
Buchanan
Buck
Bucshon
Budd
Burchett
Burgess
Bush
Bustos
Butterfield
Calvert
Cammack
Carbajal
Cardenas
Carey
Carl
Carson
Carter (GA)
Carter (LA)
Carter (TX)
Cartwright
Case
Casten
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Cawthorn
Chabot
Cheney
Cherfilus-McCormick
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Cleaver
Cline
Cloud
Clyburn
Clyde
Cohen
Cole
Comer
Connolly
Cooper
Correa
Costa
Courtney
Craig
Crawford
Crenshaw
Crist
Crow
Cuellar
Curtis
Davids (KS)
Davidson
Davis, Danny K.
Davis, Rodney
Dean
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
Delgado
Demings
DeSaulnier
DesJarlais
Deutch
Diaz-Balart
Dingell
Doggett
Donalds
Doyle, Michael F.
Duncan
Dunn
Ellzey
Emmer
Escobar
Eshoo
Espaillat
Estes
Evans
Fallon
Feenstra
Ferguson
Fischbach
Fitzgerald
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fletcher
Fortenberry
Foster
Foxx
Frankel, Lois
Franklin, C. Scott
Fulcher
Gallagher
Gallego
Garamendi
Garbarino
Garcia (CA)
Garcia (IL)
Garcia (TX)
Gibbs
Gimenez
Gohmert
Golden
Gomez
Gonzales, Tony
Gonzalez (OH)
Gonzalez, Vicente
Good (VA)
Gooden (TX)
Gosar
Gottheimer
Granger
Graves (LA)
Graves (MO)
Green (TN)
Green, Al (TX)
Griffith
Grijalva
Guest
Guthrie
Harder (CA)
Harris
Harshbarger
Hartzler
Hayes
Hern
Herrell
Herrera Beutler
Hice (GA)
Higgins (LA)
Higgins (NY)
Hill
Himes
Hinson
Hollingsworth
Horsford
Houlahan
Hoyer
Hudson
Huffman
Huizenga
Issa
Jackson
Jackson Lee
Jacobs (CA)
Jacobs (NY)
Jayapal
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (LA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson (SD)
Johnson (TX)
Jones
Jordan
Joyce (OH)
Joyce (PA)
Kahele
Kaptur
Katko
Keating
Keller
Kelly (IL)
Kelly (MS)
Kelly (PA)
Khanna
Kildee
Kilmer
Kim (CA)
Kim (NJ)
Kind
Kinzinger
Kirkpatrick
Krishnamoorthi
Kuster
Kustoff
LaHood
LaMalfa
Lamb
Lamborn
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latta
LaTurner
Lawrence
Lawson (FL)
Lee (CA)
Lee (NV)
Leger Fernandez
Lesko
Letlow
Levin (CA)
Levin (MI)
Lieu
Lofgren
Long
Loudermilk
Lowenthal
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Luria
Lynch
Mace
Malinowski
Malliotakis
Maloney, Carolyn B.
Maloney, Sean
Mann
Manning
Mast
Matsui
McBath
McCarthy
McCaul
McClain
McClintock
McCollum
McEachin
McGovern
McHenry
McKinley
McNerney
Meeks
Meijer
Meng
Meuser
Mfume
Miller (IL)
Miller (WV)
Miller-Meeks
Moolenaar
Mooney
Moore (AL)
Moore (UT)
Moore (WI)
Morelle
Moulton
Mrvan
Mullin
Murphy (FL)
Murphy (NC)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Neguse
Nehls
Newhouse
Newman
Norcross
Norman
O'Halleran
Obernolte
Ocasio-Cortez
Omar
Owens
Palazzo
Pallone
Palmer
Panetta
Pappas
Pascrell
Payne
Pelosi
Pence
Perlmutter
Perry
Peters
Pfluger
Phillips
Pingree
Pocan
Porter
Posey
Pressley
Price (NC)
Quigley
Raskin
Reed
Reschenthaler
Rice (NY)
Rice (SC)
Rodgers (WA)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rose
Rosendale
Ross
Rouzer
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Rutherford
Ryan
Salazar
Sanchez
Sarbanes
Scalise
Scanlon
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schrier
Schweikert
Scott (VA)
Scott, Austin
Scott, David
Sessions
Sewell
Sherman
Sherrill
Simpson
Sires
Slotkin
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Smucker
Soto
Spanberger
Spartz
Speier
Stansbury
Stanton
Stauber
Steel
Stefanik
Steil
Steube
Stevens
Stewart
Strickland
Suozzi
Swalwell
Takano
Taylor
Tenney
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thompson (PA)
Tiffany
Timmons
Titus
Tlaib
Tonko
Torres (CA)
Torres (NY)
Trahan
Trone
Turner
Underwood
Upton
Valadao
Van Drew
Van Duyne
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velazquez
Wagner
Walberg
Walorski
Waltz
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson Coleman
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Welch
Wenstrup
Westerman
Wexton
Wild
Williams (GA)
Williams (TX)
Wilson (FL)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Yarmuth
Young
NAYS--8
Biggs
Bishop (NC)
Boebert
Gaetz
Greene (GA)
Grothman
Massie
Roy
NOT VOTING--1
Zeldin
{time} 1529
Messrs. ROY and BISHOP of North Carolina changed their vote from
``yea'' to ``nay.''
So (two-thirds being in the affirmative) the rules were suspended and
the bill was passed.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
Members Recorded Pursuant to House Resolution 8, 117th Congress
Bass (Takano)
Bowman (Garcia (IL))
Brown (OH) (Aguilar)
Cardenas (Gomez)
Carter (GA) (Cammack)
Carter (TX) (Nehls)
Connolly (Wexton)
Crenshaw (Fallon)
Crist (Wasserman Schultz)
Cuellar (Correa)
Curtis (Moore (UT))
Dean (Scanlon)
DeLauro (Courtney)
DeSaulnier (Beyer)
Fortenberry (Moolenaar)
Frankel, Lois (Wexton)
Fulcher (Johnson (OH))
Garamendi (Correa)
Garbarino (Jacobs (NY))
Golden (Courtney)
Harder (CA) (Beyer)
Horsford (Evans)
Jeffries (Kelly (IL))
Johnson (TX) (Aguilar)
Kahele (Mrvan)
Kaptur (Lawrence)
Kim (NJ) (Pallone)
Kinzinger (Meijer)
Kirkpatrick (Pallone)
Lawson (FL) (Evans)
Lesko (Miller (WV))
Lofgren (Aguilar)
Maloney, Carolyn B. (Wasserman Schultz)
Neguse (Perlmutter)
Norman (Donalds)
Pascrell (Pallone)
Payne (Pallone)
Porter (Wexton)
Rodgers (WA) (Bilirakis)
Roybal-Allard (Escobar)
Rush (Evans)
Ryan (Lawrence)
Salazar (Moore (UT))
Schrier (Aguilar)
Sires (Pallone)
Steel (Obernolte)
Suozzi (Beyer)
Taylor (Fallon)
Titus (Cicilline)
Trone (Beyer)
Upton (Katko)
Wagner (McHenry)
Walorski (Bucshon)
Watson Coleman (Pallone)
Welch (Pallone)
Wilson (FL) (Cicilline)
____________________