[Congressional Record Volume 170, Number 19 (Thursday, February 1, 2024)]
[Senate]
[Pages S326-S327]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                           National Security

  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, the People's Republic of China is the 
single greatest strategic challenge facing the United States. It poses 
a potentially existential threat to our friends in the region and a 
growing threat to our allies in Europe as well.
  The PRC is working to undermine the prevailing order that has 
maintained a major power piece for eight decades. It is useful to think 
about this challenge from our adversary's position.
  President Xi aims to expand China's influence at our expense, to 
rewrite the rules of the road, and to dominate his neighbors. Each of 
these tasks becomes easier the more the West is distracted, divided, 
and deterred. And depending on the choices America and our allies make, 
our adversaries may succeed without even trying.
  Are we distracted? Ask Beijing what it thinks about the Western 
diplomatic energy expended on unenforceable climate mandates while 
Chinese industry accelerates its carbon emissions. Our adversaries must 
scratch their heads at some of the things about which Western leaders 
obsess.
  Are we divided? The PRC clearly hopes that the West's shared values 
are not as strong as our adversaries' shared disdain for them. Beijing 
no doubt enjoys watching the United States abandon allies in 
Afghanistan, second-guess allies in Israel, and initiate trade fights 
with its closest allies rather than China.
  Are we deterred? We are self-deterred. Hesitation and hand-wringing 
over fears of escalation have become hallmarks of the Biden 
administration's foreign policy. Right now, you would be forgiven for 
wondering whether President Biden might take longer to respond to the 
Iran-backed strike that killed U.S. soldiers in Jordan than he did to 
finally approve long-range fires for Ukraine.
  The administration's public obsession with avoiding escalation at all 
cost only signals to our adversaries that, indeed, authoritarians can 
take what they want by force.
  Fortunately, Putin's aggression has clarified our allies' thinking. 
The West is waking up, turbocharging investments in new capabilities, 
and accelerating the expansion of our own defense industrial base.
  Beijing and Moscow are not happy to see war in Ukraine prompt two 
more highly advanced European nations make historic new commitments to 
collective defense of the West by joining NATO. They are not happy to 
see America's allies direct a gusher of historic military investments 
into cutting-edge American weapons made by American workers. In the 
past 2 years, Pacific allies like Japan, South Korea, and Australia 
have been buying American to the tune of tens of billions of dollars. 
NATO allies have invested $120 billion of their own in U.S. 
capabilities. Importantly, they are also investing in expanding their 
own defense industrial capacities.
  Our allies recognize that Russia, China, and Iran are, as Secretary 
General Stoltenberg put it just yesterday here in Washington, ``shaping 
[an] alternative world where U.S. power is diminished [and] NATO is 
divided.'' In response, they are rejecting division and committing to 
interoperability and collective defense. In many ways, NATO is now more 
united than during the Cold War. But this progress is not a given. It 
depends on American leadership, and it is quite capable of unraveling. 
President Xi would like nothing more.
  There is really no quicker way to make sure we will be distracted 
from necessary competition with China than by letting Russian 
aggression in Europe fester. There is no surer path to dividing America 
from our closest allies than by shredding our credibility and 
abandoning Ukraine. The PRC hopes that America and our allies will lose 
our will to stand up to Russian aggression. President Xi hopes for 
Russian victory but will benefit, too, from a frozen conflict. As they 
watch Russia fight in Ukraine, what Beijing and Tehran fear is a 
Western victory.
  We must understand that the threats our adversaries pose are 
connected. China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea are making alarming new 
commitments to support and underwrite one another's aggressive 
behavior. Our Asian allies know it. They know that leaving Russia 
undefeated means leaving the PRC undeterred. And their security 
assistance to Ukraine demonstrates how seriously they take these linked 
threats.
  There is also growing transatlantic agreement that China is a 
systemic rival and a revisionist power.
  When the most successful military alliance in history stands 
together, it represents fully half of the world's military power and 
half of its economic power. NATO is a formidable force that inspires 
confidence and collaboration among an even wider circle of allies and 
partners, particularly in the Indo-Pacific. But when America and our 
allies let aggression linger undefeated, this force is spread thin. 
Beijing wants nothing more than to face a West still consumed by self-
deterrence in a conflict halfway around the world.

  Europe has woken up. It is outpacing America in direct assistance to

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Ukraine, with another =50 billion in assistance announced just today. 
This is good news. But even as our European allies ramp up their 
support, strengthen their defenses, upgrade their capabilities, and 
expand their defense industrial capacity, America doesn't get to opt 
out--opt out--of doing the same. Even as our most technologically 
advanced allies take historic steps forward, America doesn't have the 
luxury of pawning off our interests.
  Deterring China means defeating Russian aggression. Degrading 
Russia's military means weakening Beijing's ``friendship without 
limits'' with Moscow. Equipping Ukraine to defend itself means 
confronting the PRC with the thing it hates the most: sovereign nations 
that choose their leaders and defend their interests.
  Strengthening America's national security means standing with our 
allies and investing even more heavily in the capabilities we need to 
face our top strategic rival and every threat we face with formidable 
American strength.