[Congressional Record Volume 140, Number 68 (Thursday, May 26, 1994)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Page E]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]
[Congressional Record: May 26, 1994]
From the Congressional Record Online via GPO Access [wais.access.gpo.gov]
THE HAITIAN EMBARGO: NOT A GOOD SOLUTION
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HON. DOUG BEREUTER
of nebraska
in the house of representatives
Wednesday, May 25, 1994
Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, the Clinton administration's continuing
effort to return Jean Bertrand Aristide to the Presidency in Haiti has
proven to be frustratingly ineffective. Unable to force the military
junta to accept Mr. Aristide's return, the Clinton administration has
resorted to tightening the embargo and easing the restrictions on
asylum seekers. This Member is gravely concerned that our current Haiti
policy will continue to bring nothing but additional suffering.
A recent editorial in the May 24, 1994, edition of the Lincoln Star
entitled ``No good solutions, including an embargo,'' outlined the
difficulties with our current Haiti policy. As the editorial correctly
notes, General Cedras and the other junta leaders ``have been
emboldened by the Clinton administration penchant for tough, but
ultimately empty, talk. American credibility has been damaged.''
This Member would ask to place this editorial in the Record, and
commend it to his colleagues.
[From the Lincoln Star, May 24, 1994]
No Good Solutions, Including an Embargo
Just as Haiti may have no good guys in political residence,
President Clinton faces no good solutions for that country's
problems and our country's unfortunate tangle in it.
Our tortured past with Haiti, recent policy missteps and a
heinously cruel economic embargo morally bind the United
States to resolve the Haitian crisis.
Clinton's announcement to grant political asylum hearings
to fleeing Haitians is a humane if problematic decision, but
no solution.
To continue to treat Haitians differently than other
refugees gives credence to charges of racism.
Cubans, for one, have been welcomed by the boatload into
Miami. The difference may reflect the United States'
longstanding sympathy to anti-communist Cubans more than
racism. But for whatever reason, it is clear that Haitians
are treated one way, refugees from other nations another.
However, this runs the risk of encouraging more Haitians to
flee and creating a nightmare of a refugee crisis as we
scramble to care for an onslaught of poor, illiterate people.
The larger problem, of course, is what to do about Haitians
in Haiti.
The exiled, democratically elected president, Jean Bertrand
Aristide, is ensconced in the United States, nixing U.S.-
proposed compromises to return him to Haiti. He makes a
troubling democrat who will never be mistaken for George
Washington. But he was elected by a majority of Haitians and
illegally removed from office.
Its people are being slaughtered by military thugs and
starved by an embargo intended to pry the military from
power, but with the actual effect on inflicting incredible
suffering on an already destitute population. The border is
porous, but the goods that make it into Haiti go to the
military and the black market, not to the poor--the Aristide
supporters.
Its military leaders have been emboldened by the Clinton
administration penchant for tough, but ultimately empty,
talk. American credibility has been damaged.
Haiti sits on our doorsteps, clearly in our sphere of
interest. Yet history taints the perception of our motives.
U.S. Marines stormed onto Haiti's shore because of virtual
anarchy in the country in 1915. We stayed until 1934.
Our shameful relationship with Haiti's dictators since then
make us a suspect savior. As in Somalia, U.S. forces are
likely to be first welcomed, but in any extended stay our
welcome would quickly wear out.
We cannot sit idly while the embargo does its dirty work.
We have a moral obligation to Haiti, to revisit diplomatic
solutions with our allies in the region or through United
Nations mediation.
The rebuilding of Haiti must be up to Haitians. But first
we must remove the boot from its jugular.
Many innocents would die if the United States and allies
launch an invasionary force to oust the military. But many
will die also as a result of this embargo. The search for a
resolution to this mess must continue.
____
[From the Lincoln Star, May 24, 1994]
America Changes Face
``The offer was sweeter than a bushel of Iowa roasting
ears: $25 million in incentives to a Maryland biotechnology
company if it would leave the nerve-rattling East Coast and
settle here in America's heartland--fresh air, quiet streets,
smiling faces,'' read the news story about a company
considering relocating to Des Moines.
``But after a closer look at Iowa, the company noticed that
almost all of those faces, smiling or not were white.'' The
offer was ultimately rejected--because Des Moines was not
racially diverse enough.
Just as America's face is changing, the needs of companies
are also changing.
Companies today have offices all over the country, all over
the world. It's a good chance that some of their best people
will be other than white. How is that company going to feel
about sending someone to work in Iowa if they're going to
lose them in a year, asks Max Phillips, an executive with
U.S. West.
____
[From the Lincoln Star, May 24, 1994]
Czech, Slovak Republics Face Challenges
(By Ann Toner)
The Czech and Slovak republics, formerly Czechoslovakia,
are adapting at different rates to free enterprise, according
to two Farmers National Co. officers who have been assisting
the effort.
Speaking Monday to the Omaha Agri-Business Club, Max Evans
of Des Moines, chief real estate appraiser, and Craig Harris
of Shenandoah, Iowa, real estate associate, said in the more
populous and industrialized Czech republic, unemployment is 3
percent and business is improving.
In the less populous Slovak republic, more rural and less
industrialized, unemployment is 20 percent and likely to
climb.
The two men have been helping through a grant to Iowa State
University from the U.S. International Development Agency.
``A lot of people have changed on paper but not at heart,''
said Evans. One collective farm was divided into 90 smaller
enterprises, turning the tractor driver under the former
system into a custom tractor driver who still has to go to a
central committee to get his tractor fixed when it breaks
down.
Slovak farmers can't believe that a U.S. farmer could farm
1,200 acres with just his immediate family or possibly one
hired hand. A Slovak farm that size might have 150 employees
with a hands-off manager who directs them.
The collectives have reduced employment by about 30 percent
and need to pare their worker force by another 65 percent in
order to become efficient, Evans said.
Crop farms in the republics are a mix of modern and ancient
with tractors, horse teams and hand labor all engaged in
production, the two men said. Tillage is extensive, with no
effort to terrace or save soil.
Many livestock farms are antiquated and in need of better
genetics and animal nutrition, Harris said. Dairies milk
dual-purpose animals that don't do a good job of either milk
or meat production.
Feeds are hay, grass and silage with little effort to
balance rations or protein content for optimum production.
Collectivization and confiscation of properties under
communism have complicated land reform, Harris said. A lack
of records makes it difficult it difficult to establish past
ownership.
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