[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 51 (Monday, March 20, 1995)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4199-S4203]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
STATEMENTS ON INTRODUCED BILLS AND JOINT RESOLUTIONS
By Mr. D'AMATO (for himself and Mr. Pressler):
S. 578. A bill to limit assistance for Turkey under the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961 and the Arms Export Control Act until that
country complies with certain human rights standards; to the Committee
on Foreign Relations.
turkish human rights compliance act
Mr. D'AMATO. Mr. President, I rise today to introduce legislation
which will help restore credibility to our foreign assistance program
by ensuring that one of the largest recipients of United States aid,
the Republic of Turkey, adheres to internationally accepted standards
for human rights and humanitarian practices.
The time has come, after years of fruitless quiet diplomacy, for the
Congress to take the lead in addressing a broad range of issues dealing
with Turkey, including its worsening human rights record, its continued
blockade of humanitarian supplies to Armenia, its refusal to work
toward a lasting and equitable settlement in Cyprus, its denial of
basic rights to its Kurdish minority, and its continued persecution of
Christian communities in Turkey. The hundreds of millions of dollars
that the United States sends to Turkey each year provides us with the
necessary leverage to bring about positive change in each of these five
areas.
In each of these areas, Turkey has consistently violated
international treaties and agreements to which it is a signatory. Among
these are the U.N. Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the final act
of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, and the
European Convention on Human Rights.
The Congress, in the fiscal year 1995 foreign aid bill, withheld 10
percent of the principal amount of direct loans for Turkey based on its
human rights record and the situation in Cyprus. The Turkish Government
has spoken clearly on this issue--they will reject any United States
aid tied to its human rights record. While the de-linking of United
States assistance and human rights may be in the interests of the
Turkish Government, it is surely not in the interest of the United
States or the international community. It is clear, given the Turkish
Government's response, that we must move beyond symbolism and
fundamentally reassess our relationship with Turkey.
On the question of human rights, we need only to look at the State
Department's recently released 1995 country reports on human rights, to
see that years and even decades of behind the scenes efforts by the
State Department have not produced any improvement in the human rights
situation in Turkey. This report concludes, in fact, that ``the human
rights situation in Turkey worsened significantly in 1994.''
Mr. President, the full spectrum of human rights monitoring
organizations have condemned Turkey for its systematic and widespread
abuse of human rights, including the use of torture. Amnesty
International, Human Rights Watch, the U.N. Committee Against Torture,
the European Parliament, the International Human Rights Law Group, the
Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, Physicians Without Frontiers,
Freedom House, the humanitarian law project, the Turkish Human Rights
Association, and other organizations have documented the deteriorating
human rights situation in Turkey.
My legislation would link the level of United States assistance to
Turkey's willingness to allow free and unfettered monitoring of the
human rights environment within its territory by domestic and
international human rights monitoring organizations. Among the groups
which have been denied full access in the past are the Turkish Human
Rights Association, the Conference on Security and Cooperation in
Europe, Amnesty International, and Human Rights Watch.
I would like to address Kurdish rights, or lack thereof. Nowhere is
the case for cutting aid to Turkey more compelling than on the question
of the Kurds. To this day, Turkey continues to deny the very existence
of its 15 million Kurdish citizens. The Turkish military has
systematically emptied over 2,000 Kurdish villages and uprooted over a
million Kurdish citizens from their homes. The Turkish Government's
systematic and deliberate eradication of the Kurdish identity within
its borders is, in many ways, a high-technology version of the
massacres and deportations of the Armenian genocide earlier this
century.
If Turkey is to continue benefiting from the generosity of the
American taxpayer, it must take demonstrable steps toward the full
recognition of the civil, cultural, and human rights of its Kurdish
civilians and demonstrate that it will resolve the Kurdish question
peacefully.
Important too is the question of Cyprus which remains unresolved more
than 20 years after Turkey's illegal 1974 invasion of the island
nation. Despite countless U.N. resolutions and international
agreements, Turkey continues its illegal military occupation and has
obstructed efforts toward a peaceful settlement. The division of the
island and the massive uprooting of Greek Cypriots caused by the 1974
invasion remain a constant reminder of the failure of the international
community to enforce a lasting and equitable resolution to the
conflict.
The Turkish Government must take demonstrable steps toward the total
withdrawal of its military forces from Cyprus. In addition, Turkey must
demonstrate its support for a settlement recognizing the sovereignty
and territorial integrity of Cyprus with a constitutional democracy
based on majority rule, the rule of law and the protection of minority
rights.
Mr. President, I must state that the failure of quiet diplomacy on
the part of the State Department is nowhere more apparent than in its
failure to lift the Turkish blockade of humanitarian aid to Armenia. In
violation of international law and in defiance of the United Nations,
Turkey continues to blockade its border with Armenia. For close to 2
years, the Turkish Government has refused to allow desperately needed
United States and other international assistance reach the people of
[[Page S4200]] Armenia. Unable to cross Turkish territory or transit
its airspace, relief supplies have been re-rerouted through Georgia,
where due to widespread instability, large portions of the aid has been
either lost or stolen.
The United States simply can not tolerate the obstruction of its
humanitarian relief efforts by another recipient of its foreign aid.
Until the blockade is lifted, the provisions in this bill cutting the
level of United States assistance to Turkey would be in force.
The Turkish Government continues to place prohibitive restrictions on
the Christian communities within Turkey. Among the communities which
have suffered from official persecution are the Armenians, Greeks,
Syrian Orthodox, and the Assyrians. The religious leaderships of these
communities, in particular, have been subject to official restrictions
which significantly limit their ability to serve their people. In
addition, the Turkish Government has failed to adequately protect them
from acts of violence and vandalism.
The United States must ensure that Turkey lifts any official
restrictions on Christian churches and schools and offers sufficient
protection against acts of violence and harassment against the clergy
and vandalism against church and school property.
The Turkish Government must understand that the United States will
not continue to subsidize its illegal and irresponsible conduct. By
withholding $500,000 a day in our assistance until they have taken
steps toward resolving each of the five issues I have just addressed,
we will send the Turkish leadership a clear signal that our foreign
assistance programs will not extend aid to those nations which
regularly violate human rights and international law.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill and
an article be printed in the Record.
There being no objections, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
S. 578
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of America in
Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Turkish Human Rights
Compliance Act''.
SEC. 2. FINDINGS.
The Congress makes the following findings:
(1) The Department of State, in its 1995 report entitled
``Country Reports on Human Rights'', documented a systematic
and widespread pattern of human rights abuses by the
Government of Turkey. According to the portion of the report
relating to Turkey, ``the human rights situation in Turkey
worsened significantly in 1994''.
(2) Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the United
Nations Committee Against Torture, the European Parliament,
the International Human Rights Law Group, the Lawyers
Committee for Human Rights, Physicians Without Frontiers,
Freedom House, the Humanitarian Law Project, the Turkish
Human Rights Associations, and other human rights monitoring
organizations have documented extensive and continuing human
rights abuses by the Government of Turkey, including the
widespread use of torture.
(3) The actions of the Government of Turkey are in
violation of several international human rights agreements to
which Turkey is a party, including the United Nations
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Final Act of the
Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, and the
European Convention on Human Rights.
(4) The Government of Turkey continues to deny the
existence of its 15,000,000 Kurdish citizens and has used
military force to deny them an identity, destroying more than
2,000 Kurdish villages and uprooting more than 2,000,000
Kurds.
(5) Turkey continues its illegal military occupation of
Cyprus and has obstructed efforts to reach a just and lasting
resolution to the division of Cyprus and the massive
uprooting of Greek Cypriots caused by the 1974 invasion by
Turkey of Cyprus.
(6) The Government of Turkey continues to blockade Armenia,
obstructing the delivery of American and international
humanitarian relief supplies.
(7) Turkey continues to place prohibitive restrictions on
the religious leadership of Christian communities within
Turkey and has failed to protect these communities adequately
from acts of violence and vandalism.
(8) The Congress, in the fiscal year 1995 budget for
foreign assistance, withheld 10 percent of the principal
amount of direct loans to Turkey because of that country's
human rights record and the situation in Cyprus. The
Government of Turkey has stated that it would reject any
United States assistance tied to its human rights record,
which, according to independent human rights monitoring
organizations, has continued to deteriorate.
SEC. 3. RESTRICTIONS ON ASSISTANCE FOR TURKEY.
(a) Restrictions.--Of the funds made available for fiscal
year 1996 for assistance for Turkey under the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961 and the Arms Export Control Act, the
President shall withhold, first from grant assistance, if
any, and then from loan assistance, $500,000 for each day
that Turkey does not meet the conditions of section 4.
(b) Waiver.--The President may waive the application of
subsection (a) if the President determines that it is in the
national security interest of the United States to do so.
SEC. 4. CONDITIONS.
The conditions of this section are met when the President
certifies to Congress that the Government of Turkey--
(1) allows free and unfettered monitoring of the human
rights situation within its territory by domestic and
international human rights monitoring organizations,
including but not limited to, the Turkish Human Rights
Association, the Conference on Security and Cooperation in
Europe, Amnesty International, and Human Rights Watch;
(2) recognizes the civil, cultural, and human rights of its
Kurdish citizens, ceases its military operations against
Kurdish civilians, and takes demonstrable steps toward a
peaceful resolution of the Kurdish issue;
(3) takes demonstrable steps toward the total withdrawal of
its military forces from Cyprus and demonstrates its support
for a settlement recognizing the sovereignty, independence,
and territorial integrity of Cyprus, with a constitutional
democracy based on majority rule, the rule of law, and the
protection of minority rights;
(4) completely removes its blockade of United States and
international assistance to Armenia; and
(5) removes official restrictions on Christian churches and
schools and offers sufficient protection against acts of
violence and harassment directed at members of the clergy,
and offers sufficient protection against acts of vandalism
directed at church and school property.
____
[From the New York Times, Mar. 6, 1995]
Rights Violations in Turkey Said to Rise
(By John Darnton)
Ankara, Turkey.--To the concern of Western allies and
international human rights organizations, reports of rights
violations in Turkey have increased markedly in recent
months, along with attempts by the Government to crush the
Kurdish separatist insurrection in the southeast.
The number of people who have been disappearing while in
the custody of the policy and security forces, the reports of
torture, killings by unknown assailants that appear to be
political and arrests and convictions of writers,
intellectuals and politicians under a law against separatist
propaganda are all on the rise, Turkish human rights groups
say.
``The main reason is the war in the southeast,'' said Yavuz
Onen, a 56-year-old architect who is president of the Human
Rights Foundation, a Turkish group that was set up in 1989 to
aid victims and document abuses.
``The state uses the argument that they are in a struggle
with terrorists and that they are defending the
indivisibility of the territory,'' he said. ``Of course the
state can defend its borders. But most of the violations are
against civilians.
``Torture is now widespread and systematic, not only for
political crime but for common crime as well.''
Prime Minister Tansu Ciller, in an interview, denied that
there had been widespread violations.
Allegations of torture are not new in Turkey. The
foundation cited the cases of Yasar Kanbur, 35, an engineer,
and Yusuf Yukdirim, 35, a health union worker. The two men
said they had been picked up as leftist students after the
military takeover of 1980 and were held nine and a half years
in prison. During that time, they said, they were suspended
by their chained arms, kept without food and sleep, beaten
repeatedly and subjected to electric shock.
They scoffed at the idea that torture would ever be
eliminated from Turkey. ``Not by this regime,'' Mr. Kanbur
said. ``Torture is universal here.''
The war against the Kurds, who constitute about one-fifth
of Turkey's 60-million people, has been going on for a
decade. The Kurds were originally concentrated in the
southeast, but many are now scattered all over the country.
The fighting has claimed an estimated 14,000 lives.
The Kurdish Workers' Party, or P.K.K. has used terrorism in
its fight for an independent homeland. It does not shrink
from killing teachers who instruct in Turkish and so-called
``village guards,'' who defend hamlets of Government
supporters, and their families. The party is believed to have
killed over 200 civilians in 1993, and it took responsibility
for at least 167 deaths in the first 10 months of 1994.
But attempts to eradicate the P.K.K., whose leader,
Abdullah Ocalan, is based in Syria, have taken even more
civilian lives. Western diplomats stationed here say security
forces have been granted a free hand by the Mrs. Ciller's
Government to deal with the insurrection.
The security forces have turned to brutal methods,
especially in the 10 southeastern provinces that have been
under a state of emergency since 1987 because of the
insurrection. The emergency grants quasimartial law powers to
a regional governor and suspends the few modest
constitutional safeguards in
[[Page S4201]] effect elsewhere. A suspect, for instance,
can be held for 30 days without access to relatives or a
lawyer.
Army and paramilitary groups sweep through whole areas of
the southeast, destroying villages that they suspect of
aiding the P.K.K. and burning many of them to the ground. The
province of Tunceli has been a battleground this winter,
where some 40,000 Turkish troops are pursuing guerrillas who
may number up to 3,000, by estimates of Western diplomats.
More than 60 villages there have been wiped out. The
estimates of the number of villages destroyed over the last
decade vary among the human rights groups, but usually run
between 1,500 and 2,500.
Reports by the United States Department, Amnesty
International, the United Nations Committee Against torture
and the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture have
all condemned Turkey for human rights violations.
A report by Amnesty International, ``A Policy of Denial,''
said at least 50 ``disappearances'' in custody were reported
in the first 10 months of 1994, nearly double the number in
1993. It said the number of people shot down in the street by
unknown assassins had soared from more than 20 in 1991 to 362
in 1992, more than 400 in 1993 and 380 for the first 10
months of 1994.
Visitors to the southeastern region say four or five people
a day are now being killed on the streets. They include
journalists investigating human rights violations and members
of trade unions and political parties, including the People's
Democracy Party, which has a largely Kurdish membership and
is anathema to the Government.
Leaders of human rights organizations rebut the
Government's argument that the Kurdish insurrection is in any
way a valid reason for curtailing civil liberties. ``The
continuation of the armed struggle by someone else cannot be
accepted as the reason for delaying democracy,'' said Husnu
Ondul, secretary general of the Human Rights Association.
In 1991 and 1992, the number of what Amnesty calls
``prisoners of conscience''--people jailed for expressing
nonviolent beliefs--fell to close to zero. But that number
has mounted again. Now 118 are in jail, according to the
Human Rights Association, a grass-roots organization, with
2,139 convicted but appealing their sentences and 5,600 more
awaiting trial.
In a four-month trial that ended in December, eight Kurdish
members of Parliament were tried on capital charges of
treason. They were stripped of their parliamentary immunity
so charges could be filed, and their party was banned. While
they were convicted, the charges were changed at the last
minute to such things as assisting the P.K.K. and spreading
separatist propaganda, and they got sentences ranging from 3
years and 6 months to 15 years.
``It wasn't a real trial,'' said Sirri Sakik, one of the
two of the eight who is out pending appeal. He said that the
prosecutor had built a case around various speeches he had
made and that some of his relatives had been tortured to try
to force them to give testimony against him. ``In court they
recanted, and now they are going on trial for murders they
didn't commit,'' he said.
Seven journalists from a Kurdish pro-separatist newspaper,
Ozgur Ulke, or Free Land, have been shot dead by unknown
assailants. In December the newspaper's offices in Istanbul
and Ankara were damaged by explosions. On Feb. 3 the paper
was closed by order of the Istanbul State Security Court.
The human rights organizations are especially concerned
that many human rights monitors themselves are now bearing
the brunt of prosecutions. ``We used to have 14 bureaus and
an additional seven representatives in the southeast and now
none of them can function,'' said Akin Birdal, president of
the Human Rights Association. ``Some are in jail, and the
others are on the run.''
Maryam Elahi, an Amnesty official who went to Diyarbakir
this week to attend a trial of four human rights workers,
said the persecution of the rights workers ``closes off the
last avenue.''
``It's a definite pattern'' she said. ``Before, the
Government was instigating cases against people they thought
were P.K.K. or at least political in some way. Now the human
rights people themselves are getting it. Even health
professionals who treat victims are disappearing.''
Mrs. Ciller defended her Government's action and asserted
in the interview that the P.K.K. itself destroyed the
villages. ``A lot of it is theater, in the sense that we have
found--and I've seen official documentation--of the
terrorists wearing the clothes of the soldiers, attacking the
villages and burning them,'' she said.
``This is not to say that there has been nothing wrong on
the side of this fight against terrorism,'' she added. ``It's
very hard sometimes to discriminate. There is a lot of
bombing or fire coming out of the houses and villages and for
the military approaching it's very hard to tell who the
terrorist is and who the villager is.''
______
By Mr. BREAUX (for himself and Mr. Brown):
S. 579. A bill to amend the JOBS program in title IV of the Social
Security Act to provide for a job placement voucher program, and for
other purposes; to the Committee on Finance.
job placement act
Mr. BREAUX. Mr. President, in the last several months, the
debate over welfare reform has lost its focus. We should be talking
about how to move recipients from dependence on public assistance into
work in private sector jobs.
Instead, we are talking about a number of other issues--teenage
pregnancy, drug and alcohol abuse, breakup of the family, whether to
block grant welfare programs to the States, entitlement spending versus
discretionary spending, and so on. These are all important issues, but
they miss the mark. They are distractions from what should be the
primary focus of the welfare reform debate--work and personal
responsibility. Ultimately, Mr. President, the
best social program we could ever come up with is a good job.
What the American people want is fundamental change in the welfare
system. We won't get this fundamental change if Congress shucks
accountability to the States.
Everyone certainly agrees that States should be given more
flexibility to design their programs in a way that meets their unique
economic and social circumstances. But the Federal Government must be
accountable for making sure that the tax money we raise is well spent
and produces the results the American people are demanding--that is,
self-sufficiency through work.
While few people would argue that welfare reform should be about
work, a vital piece of the puzzle has been missing from the beginning.
That is, how do we actually move people from welfare into an
appropriate job. Last year's proposal from the Clinton administration
supplied an incentive for welfare recipients to work by placing a time
limit on cash assistance, but it maintained and even expanded an
ineffective education and training system that recipients have to pass
through before they are sent to look for work. Past Republican
proposals such as the one contained in the Contract With America also
imposed a time limit and insisted on immediate work, but provided no
mechanism for linking recipients with private jobs, implying that they
would rely on a vast public jobs program. The latest Republican
proposals completely evade this and many other questions by boxing up
the problem and sending it back to the States.
The legislation that Senator Brown and I are introducing today would
provide a direct mechanism for moving individual welfare recipients
into suitable jobs. Our proposal is to enable and encourage States to
use vouchers for job placement services.
It would firmly commit the Federal Government to the principle that
work experience is the best training for private employment. It would
also transfer power from governments to individuals by putting control
in the hands of individual welfare recipients in a competitive job
placement market, while giving each State flexibility to tailor the new
system to its particular economic and social circumstances.
Mr. President, vouchers take the welfare debate beyond the arguments
that are being made over block grants. Instead of ending the Federal
welfare bureaucracy, only to replace it with a State bureaucracy,
vouchers would do away with bureaucracy and put the power to choose in
the hands of individual welfare recipients.
Existing funds would be used to pay for the vouchers, and State and
Federal Government costs might actually be reduced as bureaucratic
solutions are replaced with private sector solutions.
States would develop a list of approved service providers--placement
agencies, private employers, employment-based JOBS programs, and so
forth--available to welfare recipients once they have applied for
public assistance and started their job search. Recipients would use
the lists to make their service choices. Instead of being assigned to a
job by a caseworker, the recipients would consult with their
caseworkers, review all the options that are available, and choose the
program most suited to their needs.
Payment to public and private placement agencies, employers, and
other approved employment programs would be based on performance only.
Vouchers would be redeemed in full only after an organization had
successfully placed the recipient in a full-time unsubsidized job for a
set period of time.
[[Page S4202]] Mr. President, this is not meant to be the whole
solution to the welfare problem. But I am convinced that it is a
necessary part of any realistic attempt to get welfare recipients into
jobs in the private sector. I am also glad to be joined in offering
this bill by my friend and colleague from Colorado, Hank Brown. This is
just about the only bipartisan welfare reform legislation that has been
introduced in this Congress and I am proud to have Senator Brown as a
cosponsor.
I hope that more of our colleagues will join us in support of this
legislation. I ask unanimous consent that a copy of the bill appear in
the Record.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
S. 579
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Job Placement Act of 1995''.
SEC. 2. JOB PLACEMENT VOUCHER PROGRAM.
(a) Addition of Program.--Section 482 of the Social
Security Act (42 U.S.C. 682) is amended--
(1) in subsection (d)(1)(A)(ii)--
(A) in subclause (III), by striking ``and'' at the end;
(B) in subclause (IV), by striking the period and inserting
``; and''; and
(C) by adding at the end the following new subclause:
``(V) a job placement voucher program as described in
subsection (h).'';
(2) by redesignating subsections (h) and (i) as subsections
(i) and (j), respectively; and
(3) by inserting after subsection (g), the following
subsection:
``(h) Job Placement Voucher Program.--(1) The State agency
may establish and operate a job placement voucher program for
individuals participating in the program under this part.
``(2) A State that elects to operate a job placement
voucher program under this subsection--
``(i) shall establish eligibility requirements for
participation in the job placement voucher program; and
``(ii) may establish other requirements for such voucher
program as the State deems appropriate.
``(3) A job placement voucher program operated by a State
under this subsection shall include the following
requirements:
``(A) The State shall identify, maintain, and make
available to an individual applying for or receiving
assistance under part A a list of State-approved job
placement organizations that offer services in the area where
the individual resides and a description of the job placement
and support services each such organization provides. Such
organizations may be publicly or privately owned and
operated.
``(B)(i) An individual determined to be eligible for
assistance under part A shall, at the time the individual
becomes eligible for such assistance--
``(I) receive the list and description described in
subparagraph (A);
``(II) agree, in exchange for job placement and support
services, to--
``(aa) execute, within a period of time permitted by the
State, a contract with a State-approved job placement
organization which provides that the organization shall
attempt to find employment for the individual; and
``(bb) comply with the terms of the contract; and
``(III) receive a job placement voucher (in an amount to be
determined by the State) for payment to a State-approved job
placement organization.
``(ii) The State shall impose the sanctions provided for in
section 402(a)(19)(G) on any individual who does not fulfill
the terms of a contract executed with a State-approved job
placement organization.
``(C) At the time an individual executes a contract with a
State-approved job placement organization, the individual
shall provide the organization with the job placement voucher
that the individual received pursuant to subparagraph (B).
``(D)(i) A State-approved job placement organization may
redeem for payment from the State not more than 25 percent of
the value of a job placement voucher upon the initial receipt
of the voucher for payment of costs incurred in finding and
placing an individual in an employment position. The
remaining value of such voucher shall not be redeemed for
payment from the State until the State-approved job placement
organization--
``(I) finds an employment position (as determined by the
State) for the individual who provided the voucher; and
``(II) certifies to the State that the individual remains
employed with the employer that the organization originally
placed the individual with for the greater of--
``(aa) 6 continuous months; or
``(bb) a period determined by the State.
``(ii) A State may modify, on a case-by-case basis, the
requirement of clause (i)(II) under such terms and conditions
as the State deems appropriate.
``(E)(i) The State shall establish performance-based
standards to evaluate the success of the State job placement
voucher program operated under this subsection in achieving
employment for individuals participating in such voucher
program. Such standards shall take into account the economic
conditions of the State in determining the rate of success.
``(ii) The State shall, not less than once a fiscal year,
evaluate the job placement voucher program operated under
this subsection in accordance with the performance-based
standards established under clause (i).
``(iii) The State shall submit a report containing the
results of an evaluation conducted under clause (ii) to the
Secretary and a description of the performance-based
standards used to conduct the evaluation in such form and
under such conditions as the Secretary shall require. The
Secretary shall review each report submitted under this
clause and may require the State to revise the performance-
based standards if the Secretary determines that the State is
not achieving an adequate rate of success for such State.''.
(b) Conforming Amendments.--Title IV of the Social Security
Act (42 U.S.C. 601 et seq.) is amended--
(1) in section 403(l)(1)(A) (42 U.S.C. 603(l)(1)(A)),
(A) in clause (ii)(II)--
(II) by striking the period and inserting ``; and''; and
(B) by adding at the end the following new clause:
``(iii) with respect to expenditures made for a job
placement voucher program under section 482(h) in a fiscal
year, the greater of--
``(I) 70 percent; or
``(II) the percentage paid to the State under clause
(ii)(II) plus 10 percent.''; and
(2) in section 431(a)(6) (42 U.S.C. 629a(a)(6))--
(A) by striking ``482(i)(5)'' and inserting ``482(j)(5)'';
and
(B) by striking ``482(i)(7)(A)'' and inserting
``482(j)(7)(A)''.
SEC. 3. EFFECTIVE DATE.
The amendments made by section 2 shall be effective with
respect to calendar quarters beginning with the second
calendar quarter beginning after the date of the enactment of
this Act.
______
By Mr. MOYNIHAN (for himself, Mr. Cochran, and Mr. Simpson):
S.J. Res. 30. A joint resolution providing for the reappointment of
Homer Alfred Neal as a citizen regent of the Board of Regents of the
Smithsonian Institution; to the Committee on Rules and Administration.
Reappointment of Dr. Homer A. Neal
Mr. MOYNIHAN. Mr. President, I rise to introduce a joint
resolution to reappoint Dr. Homer A. Neal to a second term as a citizen
regent of the Smithsonian Institution. I introduce this resolution on
behalf of my distinguished colleagues, Senators Cochran and Simpson,
with whom I have the privilege to serve on the Smithsonian's Board of
Regents.
Dr. Neal is a scientist of great distinction. A former provost of the
State University of New York at Stony Brook, he is now vice president
for research and professor of physics at the University of Michigan,
where he earned his Ph.D in 1966. An eminent physicist specializing in
high-energy physics, particle detection, and digital electronics, Dr.
Neal conducted pioneering experimental studies of spin effects in
proton-proton collisions at high energy.
Dr. Neal is a leader in both the scientific and academic communities
and has long demonstrated his commitment to improving American
education in the fields of science, mathematics, and engineering. He is
ideally suited to serve on the Board of Regents of the Smithsonian,
where he is currently a member of the Institution's executive committee
and the National Council of the National Museum of Natural History.
The Smithsonian has greatly benefited from Dr. Neal's contributions
as a member of the Board of Regents, and we eagerly look forward to his
reappointment. I urge my colleagues to support this resolution and ask
unanimous consent that the full text of the resolution be printed in
the Record.
There being no objection, the joint resolution was ordered to be
printed in the Record, as follows:
S.J. Res. 30
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled, That, in
accordance with section 5581 of the Revised Statutes of the
United States (20 U.S.C. 43), the vacancy on the Board of
Regents of the Smithsonian Institution, in the class other
than Members of Congress, occurring by reason of the
expiration of the term of Homer Alfred Neal of Michigan on
December 6, 1995, is filled by the reappointment of the
incumbent for a term of six years, effective December 7,
1995.
[[Page S4203]] Mr. COCHRAN. Mr. President, I am pleased to
join Senators Moynihan and Simpson in supporting the reappointment of
Dr. Homer A. Neal as a Citizen Regent of the Smithsonian Institution.
Dr. Neal, a distinguished physicist, is vice president for research
at the University of Michigan, having held previous positions at the
University of New York at Stony Brook, and at Indiana University. He
has been scientist-in-residence at the Neils Bohr Institute in
Copenhagen and at the European Organization for Nuclear Research in
Geneva.
He is a member of the Oak Ridge National Laboratory Advisory Board
and the board of trustees of the Center for Strategic and International
Studies. A fellow of the American Physical Society, he has been a
trustee of the Argonne National Laboratory and a member of the National
Science Board, the oversight body for the National Science Foundation.
Senators Moynihan, Simpson, and I are privileged to serve with Dr. Neal
on the Smithsonian Board of Regents.
I urge Senators to support the resolution of reappointment for this
outstanding American.
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