[Congressional Record Volume 156, Number 11 (Wednesday, January 27, 2010)]
[House]
[Pages H414-H420]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
JOINT SESSION OF CONGRESS PURSUANT TO HOUSE CONCURRENT RESOLUTION 228
TO RECEIVE A MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT
The Speaker of the House presided.
The Majority Floor Services Chief, Mr. Barry Sullivan, announced the
Vice President and Members of the U.S. Senate, who entered the Hall of
the House of Representatives, the Vice President taking the chair at
the right of the Speaker, and the Members of the Senate the seats
reserved for them.
The SPEAKER. The Chair appoints as members of the committee on the
part of the House to escort the President of the United States into the
Chamber:
The gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer);
The gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Clyburn);
The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Larson);
The gentleman from California (Mr. Becerra);
The gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Van Hollen);
The gentleman from California (Mr. George Miller);
The gentlewoman from Connecticut (Ms. DeLauro);
The gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell);
The gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Boehner);
The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Cantor);
The gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence);
The gentleman from Michigan (Mr. McCotter);
The gentlewoman from Washington (Mrs. McMorris Rodgers);
The gentleman from Texas (Mr. Carter);
The gentleman from Texas (Mr. Sessions); and
The gentleman from California (Mr. McCarthy).
The VICE PRESIDENT. The President of the Senate, at the direction of
that body, appoints the following Senators as members of the committee
on the part of the Senate to escort the President of the United States
into the House Chamber:
The Senator from Nevada (Mr. Reid);
The Senator from Illinois (Mr. Durbin);
The Senator from New York (Mr. Schumer);
The Senator from Washington (Mrs. Murray);
The Senator from New Jersey (Mr. Menendez);
The Senator from North Dakota (Mr. Dorgan);
The Senator from Michigan (Ms. Stabenow);
The Senator from Kentucky (Mr. McConnell);
The Senator from Arizona (Mr. Kyl);
The Senator from Tennessee (Mr. Alexander);
The Senator from Alaska (Ms. Murkowski);
The Senator from South Dakota (Mr. Thune); and
The Senator from Texas (Mr. Cornyn);
The Majority Floor Services Chief announced the Dean of the
Diplomatic Corps, His Excellency Roble Olhaye, Ambassador from the
Republic of Djibouti.
The Dean of the Diplomatic Corps entered the Hall of the House of
Representatives and took the seat reserved for him.
The Majority Floor Services Chief announced the Chief Justice of the
United States and the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court.
The Chief Justice of the United States and the Associate Justices of
the Supreme Court entered the Hall of the House of Representatives and
took the seats reserved for them in front of the Speaker's rostrum.
The Majority Floor Services Chief announced the Cabinet of the
President of the United States.
The members of the Cabinet of the President of the United States
entered
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the Hall of the House of Representatives and took the seats reserved
for them in front of the Speaker's rostrum.
At 9 o'clock and 7 minutes p.m., the Majority Floor Services Chief
and the Sergeant at Arms, the Honorable Wilson Livingood, announced the
President of the United States.
The President of the United States, escorted by the committee of
Senators and Representatives, entered the Hall of the House of
Representatives and stood at the Clerk's desk.
(Applause, the Members rising.)
The SPEAKER. Members of the Congress, I have the high privilege and
the distinct honor of presenting to you the President of the United
States.
(Applause, the Members rising.)
The PRESIDENT. Madam Speaker, Vice President Biden, Members of
Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:
Our Constitution declares that, from time to time, the President
shall give to Congress information about the state of our union. For
220 years, our leaders have fulfilled this duty. They have done so
during periods of prosperity and tranquility. And they have done so in
the midst of war and depression, at moments of great strife and great
struggle.
It's tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our
progress was inevitable--that America was always destined to succeed.
But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run and the Allies first
landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt. When the market
crashed on Black Tuesday and civil rights marchers were beaten on
Bloody Sunday, the future was anything but certain. These were the
times that tested the courage of our convictions, and the strength of
our union. And despite all our divisions and disagreements, our
hesitations and our fears, America prevailed because we chose to move
forward as one nation--as one people.
Again, we are tested. And again, we must answer history's call.
One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by
severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse and a
government deeply in debt. Experts from across the political spectrum
warned that, if we did not act, we might face a second Depression. So
we acted--immediately and aggressively. And 1 year later, the worst of
the storm has passed.
But the devastation remains. One in 10 Americans still cannot find
work. Many businesses have shuttered. Home values have declined. Small
towns and rural communities have been hit especially hard. And for
those who had already known poverty, life has become that much harder.
This recession has also compounded the burdens that America's
families have been dealing with for decades--the burden of working
harder and longer for less, of being unable to save enough to retire or
help kids with college.
So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. They're not
new. These struggles are the reason I ran for President. These
struggles are what I've witnessed for years in places like Elkhart,
Indiana, and Galesburg, Illinois. I hear about them in the letters that
I read each night. The toughest to read are those written by children--
asking why they have to move from their home, asking when their mom or
dad will be able to go back to work.
For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast
enough. Some are frustrated; some are angry. They don't understand why
it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded but hard work on
Main Street isn't; or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to
solve any of our problems. They are tired of the partisanship and the
shouting and the pettiness. They know we can't afford it. Not now.
So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American people
hope--what they deserve--is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans,
to work through our differences, to overcome the numbing weight of our
politics. For, while the people who sent us here have different
backgrounds, different stories, different beliefs, the anxieties they
face are the same. The aspirations they hold are shared. A job that
pays the bills. A chance to get ahead. Most of all, the ability to give
their children a better life.
And you know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience
in the face of adversity. After one of the most difficult years in our
history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids, starting
businesses and going back to school. They're coaching Little League and
helping their neighbors. One woman wrote to me and said, ``We are
strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged.''
It's because of this spirit--this great decency and great strength--
that I have never been more hopeful about America's future than I am
tonight. Despite our hardships, our union is strong. We do not give up.
We do not quit. We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit.
In this new decade, it's time the American people get a government that
matches their decency, that embodies their strength.
And tonight, I'd like to talk about how, together, we can deliver on
that promise.
It begins with our economy.
Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same
banks that helped cause this crisis. It was not easy to do. And if
there is one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans and
everybody in between is that we all hated the bank bailout. I hated it.
You hated it. It was about as popular as a root canal.
But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn't just do what was
popular--I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed the
meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double what it
is today. More businesses would certainly have closed. More homes would
have surely been lost.
So I supported the last administration's efforts to create the
financial rescue program. And when we took that program over, we made
it more transparent and more accountable. And as a result, the markets
are now stabilized, and we recovered most of the money we spent on the
banks--most but not all.
To recover the rest, I have proposed a fee on the biggest banks. Now,
I know Wall Street isn't keen on this idea, but if these firms can
afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee to
pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need.
As we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our
economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible, and help
Americans who had become unemployed.
That's why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for more
than 18 million Americans, made health insurance 65 percent cheaper for
families who get their coverage through COBRA, and passed 25 different
tax cuts.
Now, let me repeat: We cut taxes. We cut taxes for 95 percent of
working families. We cut taxes for small businesses. We cut taxes for
first-time home buyers. We cut taxes for parents trying to care for
their children. We cut taxes for 8 million Americans paying for
college.
As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas and food
and other necessities, all of which helped businesses keep more
workers. And we haven't raised income taxes by a single dime on a
single person. Not a single dime.
Because of the steps we took, there are about 2 million Americans
working right now who would otherwise be unemployed. 200,000 work in
construction and clean energy. 300,000 are teachers and other education
workers. Tens of thousands are cops, firefighters, correctional
officers, first responders. And we are on track to add another 1.5
million jobs to this total by the end of the year.
The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the
jobs, is the Recovery Act. That's right--the Recovery Act, also known
as the stimulus bill. Economists on the left and the right say this
bill has helped saved jobs and avert disaster. But you don't have to
take their word for it.
Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its workforce
because of the Recovery Act.
Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to
be skeptical about the Recovery Act until he had to add two more work
shifts just because of the business it created. Talk to the single
teacher raising two kids who was told by the principal in the last week
of school that, because of
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the Recovery Act, she wouldn't be laid off at all.
There are stories like this all across America. And after 2 years of
recession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have started
to gain back some of their value. Businesses are beginning to invest
again, and slowly, some are starting to hire again.
But I realize that, for every success story, there are other
stories--of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing
where their next paycheck will come from, who send out resumes week
after week and hear nothing in response. That is why jobs must be our
number one focus in 2010, and that is why I am calling for a new jobs
bill tonight.
Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be
America's businesses. But government can create the conditions
necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers.
We should start where most new jobs do--in small businesses,
companies that begin when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream or
a worker decides it's time she became her own boss.
Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered
the recession, and they are ready to go. But when you talk to small
business owners in places like Allentown, Pennsylvania or Elyria, Ohio,
you find out that, even though banks on Wall Street are lending again,
they are mostly lending to bigger companies. Financing remains
difficult for small business owners across the country. Even those who
are making a profit.
So, tonight, I am proposing that we take $30 billion of the money
that Wall Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks
give small businesses the credit they need to stay afloat. I am also
proposing a new small business tax credit--one that will go to over 1
million small businesses who hire new workers or raise wages.
While we're at it, let's also eliminate all capital gains taxes on
small business investment; and provide a tax incentive for all large
businesses and all small businesses to invest in new plants and
equipment.
Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure
of tomorrow. From the first railroads to the Interstate Highway System,
our nation has always been built to compete. There is no reason Europe
or China should have the fastest trains or the new factories that
manufacture clean energy products.
Tomorrow, I'll visit Tampa, Florida where workers will soon break
ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act. There
are projects like that all across this country that will create jobs
and help move our Nation's goods, services and information. We should
put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities, and give
rebates to Americans who make their homes more energy efficient, which
supports clean energy jobs. And to encourage these and other businesses
to stay within our borders, it is time to finally slash the tax breaks
for companies that ship our jobs overseas and give those tax breaks to
companies that create jobs right here in the United States of America.
Now, the House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these
steps. As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to
do the same, and I know they will. They will. People are out of work.
They are hurting. They need our help. And I want a jobs bill on my desk
without delay.
But the truth is, these steps won't make up for the 7 million jobs
that we've lost over the last 2 years. The only way to move to full
employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic growth and
finally address the problems that America's families have confronted
for years.
We can't afford another so-called economic expansion like the one
from the last decade--what some call the ``lost decade''--where jobs
grew more slowly than during any prior expansion, where the income of
the average American household declined while the cost of health care
and tuition reached record highs, where prosperity was built on a
housing bubble and financial speculation.
From the day I took office, I have been told that addressing our
larger challenges is too ambitious--that such an effort would be too
contentious. I've been told that our political system is too gridlocked
and that we should just put things on hold for a while.
For those who make these claims, I have one simple question:
How long should we wait? How long should America put its future on
hold?
You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades even as
the problems have grown worse. Meanwhile, China's not waiting to revamp
its economy. Germany's not waiting. India's not waiting. These nations,
they're not standing still. These nations aren't playing for second
place. They're putting more emphasis on math and science. They're
rebuilding their infrastructure. They're making serious investments in
clean energy because they want those jobs.
Well, I do not accept second place for the United States of America.
As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates
may become, it's time to get serious about fixing the problems that are
hampering our growth.
Now, one place to start is with serious financial reform. Look, I am
not interested in punishing banks; I'm interested in protecting our
economy. A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible for
businesses to access credit and create new jobs. It channels the
savings of families into investments that raise incomes. But that can
only happen if we guard against the same recklessness that nearly
brought down our entire economy.
We need to make sure consumers and middle class families have the
information they need to make financial decisions. We can't allow
financial institutions, including those that take your deposits, to
take risks that threaten the whole economy.
The House has already passed financial reform with many of these
changes. And the lobbyists are trying to kill it. Well, we cannot let
them win this fight. And if the bill that ends up on my desk does not
meet the test of real reform, I will send it back until we get it
right. We've got to get it right.
Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we made
the largest investment in basic research funding in history--an
investment that could lead to the world's cheapest solar cells or
treatment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched.
And no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy. You can see
the results of last year's investments in clean energy--in the North
Carolina company that will create 1,200 jobs nationwide, helping to
make advanced batteries; or in the California business that will put
1,000 people to work making solar panels.
But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more
production, more efficiency, more incentives. And that means building a
new generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country. It
means making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas for oil
and gas development. It means continued investment in advanced biofuels
and clean coal technologies. And yes, it means passing a comprehensive
energy and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean
energy the profitable kind of energy in America.
I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year. And
this year, I am eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the
Senate. I know there have been questions about whether we can afford
such changes in a tough economy. I know that there are those who
disagree with the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate change.
But here is the thing, even if you doubt the evidence, providing
incentives for energy efficiency and clean energy are the right things
to do for our future--because the nation that leads the clean energy
economy will be the nation that leads the global economy. And America
must be that nation.
Third, we need to export more of our goods. Because the more products
we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we support right
here in America. So, tonight, we set a new goal: we will double our
exports over the next 5 years, an increase that will support 2 million
jobs in America. To help meet this goal, we're launching a national
export initiative that will help farmers and small businesses increase
their exports and reform export controls consistent with national
security.
We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors
are. If
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America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade deals, we
will lose the chance to create jobs on our shores. But realizing those
benefits also means enforcing those agreements so our trading partners
play by the rules. And that's why we will continue to shape a Doha
trade agreement that opens global markets, and why we will strengthen
our trade relations in Asia and with key partners like South Korea and
Panama and Colombia.
Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people.
Now, this year, we've broken through the stalemate between left and
right by launching a national competition to improve our schools. And
the idea here is simple: instead of rewarding failure, we only reward
success. Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform--
reform that raises student achievement, inspires students to excel in
math and science and turns around failing schools that steal the future
of too many young Americans, from rural communities to the inner
cities. In the 21st century, the best anti-poverty program around is a
world-class education. And in this country, the success of our children
cannot depend more on where they live than on their potential.
When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will
work with Congress to expand these reforms to all 50 States. Still, in
this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job.
That's why I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that
will revitalize our community colleges, which is a career pathway to
the children of so many working families. To make college more
affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted taxpayer
subsidies that go to banks for student loans. Instead, let's take that
money and give families a $10,000 tax credit for 4 years of college and
increase Pell Grants. And let's tell another 1 million students that,
when they graduate, they will be required to pay only 10 percent of
their income on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven
after 20 years--and forgiven after 10 years if they choose a career in
public service. Because in the United States of America, no one should
go broke because they chose to go to college. And by the way, it's time
for colleges and universities to get serious about cutting their own
costs--because they, too, have a responsibility to help solve this
problem.
Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing
the middle class. That's why, last year, I asked Vice President Biden
to chair a task force on middle class families. That's why we're nearly
doubling the child care tax credit and making it easier to save for
retirement by giving access to every worker a retirement account and
expanding the tax credit for those who start a nest egg. That's why
we're working to lift the value of a family's single largest
investment--their home. The steps we took last year to shore up the
housing market have allowed millions of Americans to take out new loans
and save an average of $1,500 on mortgage payments. This year, we will
step up refinancing so that homeowners can move into more affordable
mortgages. And it is precisely to relieve the burden on middle class
families that we still need health insurance reform.
Now let's clear a few things up. I didn't choose to tackle this issue
to get some legislative victory under my belt. And by now, it should be
fairly obvious that I didn't take on health care because it was good
politics.
I took on health care because of the stories I've heard from
Americans with preexisting conditions whose lives depend on getting
coverage, patients who have been denied coverage, families--even those
with insurance--who are just one illness away from financial ruin.
After nearly a century of trying--Democratic administrations,
Republican administrations--we are closer than ever to bringing more
security to the lives of so many Americans. The approach we've taken
would protect every American from the worst practices of the insurance
industry. It would give small businesses and uninsured Americans a
chance to choose an affordable health care plan in a competitive
market. It would require every insurance plan to cover preventative
care. And by the way, I want to acknowledge our First Lady, Michelle
Obama, who, this year, is creating a national movement to tackle the
epidemic of childhood obesity and make kids healthier.
Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance
to keep their doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs and premiums
for millions of families and businesses. And according to the
Congressional Budget Office--the independent organization that both
parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress--our
approach would bring down the deficit by as much as $1 trillion over
the next 2 decades.
Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the
more skeptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not
explaining it more clearly to the American people. And I know that,
with all the lobbying and horse-trading, the process left most
Americans wondering, what's in it for me.
But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time I'm
finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health
insurance. Millions will lose it this year. Our deficit will grow.
Premiums will go up. Patients will be denied the care they need. Small
business owners will continue to drop coverage all together. I will not
walk away from these Americans, and neither should the people in this
Chamber.
So, as temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the
plan we've proposed. There is a reason why many doctors, nurses, and
health care experts, who know our system best, consider this approach a
vast improvement over the status quo. But if anyone from either party
has a better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the
deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare for seniors, and stop
insurance company abuses, let me know. I'm eager to see it. Here's what
I ask Congress, though: Don't walk away from reform. Not now. Not when
we are so close. Let us find a way to come together and finish the job
for the American people. Let's get it done.
Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it's not
enough to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find
ourselves. It's a challenge that makes all others that much harder to
solve and one that's been subject to a lot of political posturing.
So let me start the discussion of government spending by setting the
record straight. At the beginning of the last decade, the year 2000,
America had a budget surplus of over $200 billion. By the time I took
office, we had a 1-year deficit of over $1 trillion and projected
deficits of $8 trillion over the next decade. Most of this was the
result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive
prescription drug program. On top of that, the effects of the recession
put a $3 trillion hole in our budget. All this was before I walked in
the door. I'm just stating the facts.
Now, if we had taken office in ordinary times, I would have liked
nothing more than to start bringing down the deficit. But we took
office amid a crisis, and our efforts to prevent a second Depression
have added another $1 trillion to our national debt. That, too, is a
fact.
I'm absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do. But families
across the country are tightening their belts and making tough
decisions. The Federal Government should do the same. So, tonight, I'm
proposing specific steps to pay for the $1 trillion that it took to
rescue the economy last year.
Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending for 3
years. Spending related to our national security, Medicare, Medicaid,
and Social Security will not be affected. But all other discretionary
government programs will. Like any cash-strapped family, we will work
within a budget to invest in what we need and sacrifice what we don't.
And if I have to enforce this discipline by veto, I will.
We will continue through the budget line by line, page by page to
eliminate programs that we can't afford and don't work. We've already
identified $20 billion in savings for next year. To help working
families, we will extend our middle class tax cuts. But at a time of
record deficits, we will not continue tax cuts for oil companies, for
investment fund managers, and for those
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making over $250,000 a year. We just can't afford it.
Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we'll still
face the massive deficit we had when I took office. More importantly,
the cost of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue to
skyrocket. That's why I've called for a bipartisan fiscal commission,
modeled on a proposal by Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent
Conrad. This can't be one of those Washington gimmicks that lets us
pretend we solved a problem. The commission will have to provide a
specific set of solutions by a certain deadline. Now, yesterday, the
Senate blocked a bill that would have created this commission. So I
will issue an Executive order that will allow us to go forward because
I refuse to pass this problem on to another generation of Americans.
And when the vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore the pay-as-
you-go law that was a big reason for why we had record surpluses in the
1990s.
I know that some in my party will argue that we can't address the
deficit or freeze government spending when so many are still hurting.
And I agree, which is why this freeze won't take effect until next
year, when the economy is stronger. That's how budgeting works. But
understand, if we don't take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it
could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing and jeopardize
our recovery--all of which would have an even worse effect on our job
growth and family incomes.
From some on the right, I expect we'll hear a different argument--
that if we just make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts,
including those for wealthier Americans, eliminate more regulations,
and maintain the status quo on health care, our deficits will go away.
The problem is, that's what we did for 8 years. That's what helped us
into this crisis. It's what helped lead to these deficits. We can't do
it again.
Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated
Washington for decades, it's time to try something new. Let's invest in
our people without leaving them a mountain of debt. Let's meet our
responsibility to the citizens who sent us here. Let's try common
sense--a novel concept.
To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit of
dollars right now. We face a deficit of trust--deep and corrosive
doubts about how Washington works that have been growing for years. To
close that credibility gap, we have to take action on both ends of
Pennsylvania Avenue to end the outsized influence of lobbyists, to do
our work openly, to give our people the government they deserve.
That's what I came to Washington to do. That's why--for the first
time in history--my administration posts on our White House visitors
online. That's why we've excluded lobbyists from policymaking jobs or
seats on Federal boards and commissions.
But we can't stop there. It's time to require lobbyists to disclose
each contact they make on behalf of a client with my administration or
with Congress. It's time to put strict limits on the contributions that
lobbyists give to candidates for Federal office. With all due deference
to the separation of powers, last week, the Supreme Court reversed a
century of law that I believe will open the floodgates for special
interests--including foreign corporations--to spend without limit in
our elections. I don't think American elections should be bankrolled by
America's most powerful interests, or worse, by foreign entities. They
should be decided by the American people. And I would urge Democrats
and Republicans to pass a bill that helps correct some of these
problems.
I'm also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark
reform--Democrats and Republicans. You've trimmed some of this
spending. You've embraced some meaningful change. But restoring the
public trust demands more. For example, some Members of Congress post
some earmark requests online. Tonight, I am calling on Congress to
publish all earmark requests on a single Web site before there is a
vote so that the American people can see how their money is being
spent.
Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don't also
reform how we work with one another.
Now, I am not naive. I never thought that the mere fact of my
election would usher in peace and harmony and some post-partisan era. I
knew that both parties have fed divisions that are deeply entrenched.
And on some issues, there are simply philosophical differences that
will always cause us to part ways. These disagreements about the role
of government in our lives, about our national priorities and our
national security, they've been taking place for over 200 years. They
are the very essence of our democracy.
But what frustrates the American people is a Washington where every
day is an election day. We can't wage a perpetual campaign where the
only goal is to see who can get the most embarrassing headlines about
the other side--a belief that, if you lose, I win. Neither party should
delay or obstruct every single bill just because they can. I'm speaking
to both parties now. The confirmation of well-qualified public servants
shouldn't be held hostage to the pet projects or grudges of a few
individual Senators. Washington may think that saying anything about
the other side--no matter how false, no matter how malicious--is just
part of the game. But it's precisely such politics that has stopped
either party from helping the American people. Worse yet, it is sowing
further division among our citizens, further distrust in our
government.
So, no, I will not give up on trying to change the tone of our
politics. I know it's an election year. And after last week, it's clear
that campaign fever has come even earlier than usual. But we still need
to govern. To Democrats, I would remind you that we still have the
largest majority in decades, and the people expect us to solve
problems, not run for the hills. And if the Republican leadership is
going to insist that 60 votes in the Senate are required to do any
business at all in this town--a super majority--then the responsibility
to govern is now yours as well. Just saying ``no'' to everything may be
good short-term politics, but it's not leadership. We were sent here to
serve our citizens, not our ambitions. So let's show the American
people that we can do it together. This week, I'll be addressing a
meeting of the House Republicans. I'd like to begin monthly meetings
with both the Democratic and Republican leadership. I know you can't
wait.
Throughout our history, no issue has united this country more than
our security. Sadly, some of the unity we felt after 9/11 has
dissipated. We can argue all we want about who is to blame for this,
but I'm not interested in relitigating the past. I know that all of us
love this country. All of us are committed to its defense. So let's put
aside the schoolyard taunts about who is tough. Let's reject the false
choice between protecting our people and upholding our values. Let's
leave behind the fear and division, and do what it takes to defend our
Nation and forge a more hopeful future--for America and for the world.
That's the work we began last year. Since the day I took office,
we've renewed our focus on the terrorists who threaten our Nation.
We've made substantial investments in our homeland security and
disrupted plots that threatened to take American lives. We are filling
unacceptable gaps revealed by the failed Christmas attack, with better
airline security and swifter action on our intelligence. We've
prohibited torture and strengthened partnerships from the Pacific to
South Asia to the Arabian Peninsula. And in the last year, hundreds of
al Qaeda's fighters and affiliates, including many senior leaders, have
been captured or killed--far more than in 2008.
And in Afghanistan, we are increasing our troops and training
Afghanistan Security Forces so they can begin to take the lead in July
of 2011, and our troops can begin to come home. We will reward good
governance, work to reduce corruption, and support the rights of all
Afghans--men and women alike. We are joined by allies and partners who
have increased their own commitments and who will come together
tomorrow in London to reaffirm our common purpose. There will be
difficult days ahead. But I am absolutely confident we will succeed.
As we take the fight to al Qaeda, we are responsibly leaving Iraq to
its people. As a candidate, I promised that I would end this war, and
that is what I am doing as President. We will have all
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of our combat troops out of Iraq by the end of this August. We will
support the Iraqi Government as they hold elections, and we will
continue to partner with the Iraqi people to promote regional peace and
prosperity. But make no mistake: this war is ending, and all of our
troops are coming home.
Tonight, all of our men and women in uniform--in Iraq, in
Afghanistan, and around the world--have to know that they have our
respect, our gratitude, our full support. And just as they must have
the resources they need in war, we all have a responsibility to support
them when they come home. That's why we made the largest increase in
investments for veterans in decades last year. That's why we're
building a 21st century VA. And that's why Michelle has joined with
Jill Biden to forge a national commitment to support military families.
Even as we prosecute two wars, we are also confronting, perhaps, the
greatest danger to the American people--the threat of nuclear weapons.
I've embraced the vision of John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan through a
strategy that reverses the spread of these weapons and seeks a world
without them. To reduce our stockpiles and launchers, while ensuring
our deterrent, the United States and Russia are completing negotiations
on the farthest reaching arms control treaty in nearly 2 decades. And
at April's Nuclear Security Summit, we will bring 44 nations together,
here in Washington, D.C., behind a clear goal--securing all vulnerable
nuclear materials around the world in 4 years so that they never fall
into the hands of terrorists.
Now, these diplomatic efforts have also strengthened our hand in
dealing with those nations that insist on violating international
agreements in pursuit of these weapons. That is why North Korea now
faces increased isolation and stronger sanctions--sanctions that are
being vigorously enforced. That's why the international community is
more united and the Islamic Republic of Iran is more isolated. And as
Iran's leaders continue to ignore their obligations, there should be no
doubt: they, too, will face growing consequences. That is a promise.
That is the leadership we are providing--engagement that advances the
common security and prosperity of all people. We are working through
the G-20 to sustain a lasting global recovery. We are working with
Muslim communities around the world to promote science and education
and innovation. We have gone from a bystander to a leader in the fight
against climate change. We are helping developing countries to feed
themselves, and continuing the fight against HIV/AIDS. And we are
launching a new initiative that will give us the capacity to respond
faster and more effectively to bioterrorism or an infectious disease--a
plan that will counter threats at home and strengthen public health
abroad.
As we have for over 60 years, America takes these actions because our
destiny is connected to those beyond our shores. But we also do it
because it is right. That's why, as we meet here tonight, over 10,000
Americans are working with many nations to help the people of Haiti
recover and rebuild. That's why we stand with the girl who yearns to go
to school in Afghanistan, why we support the human rights of the women
marching through the streets of Iran, why we advocate for the young man
denied a job by corruption in Guinea. For America must always stand on
the side of freedom and human dignity. Always.
Abroad, America's greatest source of strength has always been our
ideals. The same is true at home. We find unity in our incredible
diversity, drawing on the promise enshrined in our Constitution: the
notion that we are all created equal, that no matter who you are or
what you look like, if you abide by the law, you should be protected by
it; if you adhere to our common values, you should be treated no
different than anyone else.
We must continually renew this promise. My administration has a Civil
Rights division that is, once again, prosecuting civil rights'
violations and employment discrimination. We finally strengthened our
laws to protect against crimes driven by hate. This year, I will work
with Congress and our military to finally repeal the law that denies
gay Americans the right to serve the country they love because of who
they are. It's the right thing to do. We're going to crack down on
violations of equal pay laws--so that women get equal pay for an equal
day's work. And we should continue the work of fixing our broken
immigration system--to secure our borders and enforce our laws and
ensure that everyone who plays by the rules can contribute to our
economy and enrich our nation.
In the end, it is our ideals, our values, that built America--values
that allowed us to forge a nation made up of immigrants from every
corner of the globe; values that drive our citizens still. Every day,
Americans meet their responsibilities to their families and their
employers. Time and again, they lend a hand to their neighbors and give
back to their country. They take pride in their labor and are generous
in spirit. These aren't Republican values or Democratic values that
they're living by; business values or labor values. They are American
values.
Unfortunately, too many of our citizens have lost faith that our
biggest institutions--our corporations, our media and, yes, our
government--still reflect these same values. Each of these institutions
are full of honorable men and women doing important work that helps our
country prosper. But each time a CEO rewards himself for failure or a
banker puts the rest of us at risk for his own selfish gain, people's
doubts grow. Each time lobbyists game the system or politicians tear
each other down instead of lifting this country up, we lose faith. The
more that TV pundits reduce serious debates to silly arguments, big
issues into sound bites, our citizens turn away.
No wonder there's so much cynicism out there.
No wonder there's so much disappointment.
I campaigned on the promise of change--change we can believe in, the
slogan went. And right now, I know there are many Americans who aren't
sure if they still believe we can change--or that I can deliver.
But remember this--I never suggested that change would be easy or
that I could do it alone. Democracy in a nation of 300 million people
can be noisy and messy and complicated. And when you try to do big
things and make big changes, it stirs passions and controversy. That's
just how it is.
Those of us in public office can respond to this reality by playing
it safe and avoid telling hard truths and pointing fingers. We can do
what's necessary to keep our poll numbers high and get through the next
election instead of doing what's best for the next generation.
But I also know this: If people had made that decision 50 years ago
or 100 years ago or 200 years ago, we wouldn't be here tonight. The
only reason we are here is because generations of Americans were
unafraid to do what was hard, to do what was needed even when success
was uncertain, to do what it took to keep the dream of this nation
alive for their children and their grandchildren.
Our administration has had some political setbacks this year, and
some of them were deserved. But I wake up every day knowing that they
are nothing compared to the setbacks that families all across this
country have faced this year. And what keeps me going--what keeps me
fighting--is that, despite all these setbacks, that spirit of
determination and optimism--that fundamental decency that has always
been at the core of the American people--lives on.
It lives on in the struggling small business owner who wrote to me of
his company, ``None of us,'' he said, ``are willing to consider, even
slightly, that we might fail.''
It lives on in the woman who said that, even though she and her
neighbors have felt the pain of recession, ``We are strong. We are
resilient. We are American.''
It lives on in the 8-year-old boy in Louisiana, who just sent me his
allowance, and asked if I would give it to the people of Haiti. And it
lives on in all the Americans who've dropped everything to go someplace
they've never been and pull people they've never known from the rubble,
prompting chants of ``USA! USA! USA!'' when another life was saved.
The spirit that has sustained this Nation for more than two centuries
lives on in you, its people.
We have finished a difficult year. We have come through a difficult
decade.
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But a new year has come. A new decade stretches before us. We don't
quit. I don't quit. Let's seize this moment--to start anew, to carry
the dream forward, and to strengthen our union once more.
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.
(Applause, the Members rising.)
At 10 o'clock and 26 minutes p.m., the President of the United
States, accompanied by the committee of escort, retired from the Hall
of the House of Representatives.
The Majority Floor Services Chief escorted the invited guests from
the Chamber in the following order:
The members of the President's Cabinet; the Chief Justice of the
United States and the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court; the Dean
of the Diplomatic Corps.
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