[Congressional Record Volume 171, Number 28 (Tuesday, February 11, 2025)]
[House]
[Pages H623-H629]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]





                              {time}  1215
   PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF H.R. 77, MIDNIGHT RULES RELIEF ACT

  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, 
I call up House Resolution 122 and ask for its immediate consideration.
  The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:

                              H. Res. 122

       Resolved, That upon adoption of this resolution it shall be 
     in order to consider in the House the bill (H.R. 77) to amend 
     chapter 8 of title 5, United States Code, to provide for en 
     bloc consideration in resolutions of disapproval for 
     ``midnight rules'', and for other purposes. All points of 
     order against consideration of the bill are waived. The bill 
     shall be considered as read. All points of order against 
     provisions in the bill are waived. The previous question 
     shall be considered as ordered on the bill and on any 
     amendment thereto to final passage without intervening motion 
     except: (1) one hour of debate equally divided and controlled 
     by the chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on 
     the Judiciary or their respective designees; and (2) one 
     motion to recommit.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Rogers of Alabama). The gentlewoman from 
Minnesota is recognized for 1 hour.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield 
the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. 
McGovern), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. 
During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the 
purpose of debate only.


                             General Leave

  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members 
have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentlewoman from Minnesota?
  There was no objection.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Mr. Speaker, we are here today to debate the rule 
providing for consideration of H.R. 77.
  The rule provides for H.R. 77 to be considered under a closed rule 
with 1 hour of debate, equally divided and controlled by the chair and 
the ranking minority member of the Judiciary Committee or their 
designees. The rule provides for a motion to recommit for the bill.
  The Midnight Rules Relief Act addresses an inefficiency in the 
government and allows Congress to retain its current authority, 
overseeing administrative rulemaking without bogging down the 
legislative branch when we have so much work to get done.
  In 1996, Congress enacted the Congressional Review Act, which 
requires agencies to submit rules to Congress and the Government 
Accountability Office before they can go into effect. This gives 
Congress an important legislative veto option over the agencies.
  However, this legislation requires Congress to introduce separate 
joint resolutions for each agency rule it wants to disapprove. Members 
at the time had no idea how out of control the administrative state 
would become. Since the Congressional Review Act passed, agencies have 
issued around 2\1/2\ times more regulations during the last year of 
each President's term. Moreover, under the Biden-Harris administration, 
Federal agencies expanded their power at an alarming rate, undermining 
the legislative authority granted to Congress by the Constitution.
  The Midnight Rules Relief Act empowers Congress to review and 
potentially disapprove several regulations that Federal agencies may 
attempt to implement in the last days of an administration by allowing 
Congress to disapprove multiple rules through one joint resolution if 
those rules were issued during the last 60 legislative days, the 
midnight hours, of a President's term. This would allow Congress to 
quickly regain control and oversee agency rulemaking during a time when 
there is consistently a huge increase in executive overreach.
  I sincerely hope my colleagues on the other side of the aisle will 
support this bill. Just last week, we brought a bill to the floor that 
combats this country's fentanyl epidemic, something I know all of us 
care deeply about. Rather than debate the merits of the bill, my 
Democratic colleagues spent most of their time talking about what they 
believed has been executive overreach by President Trump. Comments were 
made that my colleagues are concerned that President Trump will try to 
do through executive order what he can't do through the legislative 
process.
  Today, we present a bill that will help return authority to Congress 
and curb executive overreach. If my colleagues are truly concerned 
about executive overreach, then they should vote for this bill and 
start with the overreach that occurred in the final days of the last 
administration.
  I thank Congressman Biggs for introducing this legislation, and I 
look forward to supporting this bill on the floor.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from Minnesota for 
yielding me the customary 30 minutes.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  As the gentlewoman pointed out, this rule would bring H.R. 77, the 
Midnight Rules Relief Act, to the floor for debate and consideration.
  The underlying bill is a bad bill. It was a bad bill back when we 
considered it in December, and it is still a bad bill now. This is a 
bad bill that is all about Republicans gutting protections that ensure 
the safety, health, and well-being of each and every American. It is a 
blatant power grab that was ripped right out of the pages of Project 
2025.
  Why would Republicans want the ability to roll back protections en 
masse with very little debate and in a way that could threaten the 
lives and livelihoods of regular people? Why would they want to do 
that? I will tell you why, Mr. Speaker. The answer is simple. It is so 
they can deliver big for their billionaire donors and special-interest 
friends, and it is so they can make it easier for greedy corporations 
and Wall Street CEOs to make a few extra bucks while they screw the 
rest of us.
  Billionaires don't want workplace protections. They don't want rules 
that keep them from dumping toxic chemicals into our food, water, or 
air. They don't want restrictions on their corporate greed. Why would 
they? That digs into their bottom lines, and Republicans are happy to 
give the billionaires exactly what they want.
  We have seen it in every policy coming out of the Trump White House. 
We have seen it in almost every bill that this majority brings to the 
floor.
  They don't want to talk about that here on the floor, but, Mr. 
Speaker, Democrats are going to talk about it. We are going to expose 
it. We are going to highlight all the ways they are trying to steal 
from the American people so they can give more handouts to those at the 
top.
  The American people deserve to know the truth about what is really 
happening here, and I am going to use my time on the floor today to 
continue to expose it all on behalf of House Democrats.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Mr. Speaker, all I can say is wow. There is a lot 
going on on the other side talking about this being a bad bill. This is 
a bill that will attempt to recover the Congress' ability and authority 
to overrule rules that are written in the last few days of a 
President's term. We should have that ability.

  One of the things that we hear about when we are talking to our 
constituents is overregulation. Congress, the elected Representatives, 
needs to be able to deal with the overregulation and the rules, 
particularly in those last 60 days during an administration while they 
are on their way out the door and see it as a last-ditch effort. I see 
this as making sure we are responding to our constituents.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. 
I want to inform the gentlewoman of the fact, which I hope that she 
knows, that the CRAs are already the law. We already have this 
authority to go after regulations that this body doesn't like. Multiple 
CRAs have been introduced by Republicans in this Congress, and to the 
best of my knowledge, not a single committee has held a hearing or a 
markup on any of them, not one. Not a single one has been brought to 
the floor for a vote or debate. What Democrats object to is Republicans 
bringing

[[Page H624]]

en masse all these different things that they don't like, limiting 
debate so that we can't talk about them individually, and just shoving 
them down the throats of the American people. Whatever happened to 
single-issue bills that you all said you wanted?
  This doesn't even require you bringing CRAs to the floor that are 
under the jurisdiction of one committee. It could be multiple 
committees.
  You say you needed some emergency authority. You have the authority. 
What you don't want to do is you don't want to go through the debate. 
You don't want the American people to know what you are doing. You 
don't want them to know that you are going after things that ensure 
their safety and their well-being. I think that is shameful.
  Mr. Speaker, I will say one thing here: I get why Republicans are so 
anxious to get more tax breaks for billionaires. I now get it, and I 
will urge the American people to follow the money. Follow the money, 
and you will understand why politicians are beholden to billionaires, 
why they want to do things like what we are talking about here today on 
the floor.
  To anyone watching this debate who actually thinks that Elon Musk 
cares about them, all I can say is that it takes an extraordinary 
amount of self-delusion to believe that billionaires like Elon Musk are 
fighting for working-class people. I don't even blame Elon. He is just 
doing what greedy billionaires do. I do blame the Republicans here in 
the Congress who are letting him add to his billions by stealing from 
the American people.
  Just this week, Trump and Elon started to dismantle the CFPB. Do you 
know what CFPB stands for, Mr. Speaker? The Consumer Financial 
Protection Bureau.
  They messed up now because they are now showing their hand. It was 
never about waste, fraud, or abuse. It is about enriching themselves.
  This is not just some random government agency that has no purpose. 
This is an agency designed to protect American consumers from unfair, 
deceptive, and abusive corporate practices.
  Why would they want to do that? Why would Elon want to gut the CFPB? 
I did my homework and found out that Musk recently announced a 
partnership with Visa to enable payments on his social media platform, 
X. That means it would be subject to, you guessed it, CFPB oversight. 
Once Elon realized that, he wasted no time in declaring, in his own 
words, that the CFPB would soon ``RIP,'' rest in peace.
  As if on cue, Trump listened to his boss, and he froze the CFPB's 
critical work. Nearly 2,000 employees were ordered to stay home and sit 
on their hands.
  Mr. Speaker, the CFPB has been on the front lines of unrigging our 
economy, handling over 5 million consumer complaints, refunding $20 
billion to the American people, and imposing over $4 billion in 
penalties on Wall Street for breaking the law.
  This is not about waste or fraud or abuse. Every dollar spent on the 
CFPB returns twice as much to the American people. So then what is it 
about, Mr. Speaker? What is it about? It is about greed. It is about 
billionaire greed. They are shutting down the agency that stops 
billionaires from ripping off people. It is that simple. It is that 
simple.
  Beyond that, Republicans will use this bill, the so-called midnight 
rules bill, to make it easier for banks to charge predatory fees that 
will adversely impact the people we represent.
  Democrats support the CFPB, which protects people from these 
predatory big bank fees. Republicans, the big banks write their damn 
checks.
  CFPB passed rules that stopped banks from charging predatory 
overdraft fees, passed rules that reduced expensive credit card fees, 
and passed rules to limit medical debt from credit card reports. Plain 
and simple, Mr. Speaker, the CFPB stands up to corporate greed, and 
that is exactly why Republicans, who are beholden to billionaires like 
Elon Musk, want to freeze it, want to gut it, and want to ultimately 
destroy it.
  No one wants to talk about that on the other side of the aisle, but I 
must remind my colleagues the people of this country elected us to 
represent them, not to give billionaires and corporate profiteers free 
rein to rob working families blind.
  Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to include in the Record an 
article from Reuters titled: ``Fed's Powell: No agency other than CFPB 
tasked with consumer protection enforcement.''
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Massachusetts?
  There was no objection.

                     [From Reuters, Feb. 11, 2025]

Fed's Powell: No Agency Other Than CFPB Tasked With Consumer Protection 
                              Enforcement

                              (By Reuters)

       Feb 11 (Reuters)--No U.S. regulator other than the Consumer 
     Financial Protection Bureau is tasked with ensuring that 
     banks abide by rules guarding against deceptive practices 
     regarding consumers, the head of the Federal Reserve said on 
     Tuesday as he was pressed by a senior Democratic senator to 
     ensure the CFPB remains funded.
       The Trump administration has told the agency's staff to 
     stay home and cease enforcement activities as part of Elon 
     Musk's government efficiency drive.
       ``If the CFPB is not there, examining these giant banks to 
     make sure they are following laws on not deceiving consumers, 
     who is doing that job?'' Senator Elizabeth Warren of 
     Massachusetts asked Powell during his appearance before the 
     Senate Banking Committee.
       ``I can say no other federal regulator,'' Powell said.

  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

                              {time}  1230

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to direct their remarks 
to the Chair.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I truly understand that the Democrats are very upset 
about losing the election, but the American people voted to change the 
direction of government.
  They voted to end overregulation, voted to end growing government 
agencies and growing government in general, and they voted to end the 
growing deficit. They are done, and we need to move forward. We need to 
answer to the American people about what we are doing to make sure that 
we get these things under control.
  I will also quickly address that it is incredible that my Democratic 
colleagues are trying to claim some moral high ground about single-
subject bills. House Republicans have worked hard to bring single-
subject appropriations bills to the floor and pass them individually.
  When was the last time my Democratic colleagues did this?
  Instead, my colleagues have passed massive omnibus spending bills 
when Democrats were in the majority, along with omnibus packages like 
the American Rescue Plan and the inflation expansion act. If Democrats 
would please spare us the false outrage at the idea of omnibus bills.
  The truth is that this bill prevents the House from bundling CRAs 
with similar topics into smaller, single-subject packages.
  There is also nothing that prevents the House from continuing to 
consider CRAs on a case-by-case basis, but we have to have the option. 
When an outgoing administration dumps rules in the last 60 days, we 
have to have that option to make sure that we are addressing issues.
  I think our efforts toward single-subject bills demonstrate why 
Republicans can be trusted to use this tool responsibly, and I look 
forward to my Democratic colleagues abiding by their newfound 
commitment to single-subject bills the next time Democratic Members are 
in the majority.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. 
Biggs).
  Mr. BIGGS of Arizona. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for 
yielding to me.
  Mr. Speaker, I do find it really interesting that, if Members follow 
the logic of those who oppose this bill, what Democrats are suggesting 
is that, for the 1,406 rules that the Biden administration passed since 
August, my colleagues on the other side of the aisle want us to do one 
bill for every one of them.
  Let's do one bill for every one of them. We could. We could do that. 
I am happy to work. If that is what Democrats want to do, let's do it. 
We can come back next week. I am happy to

[[Page H625]]

work every Saturday and Sunday. That is our job.
  The minority doesn't really mean it. Mr. Speaker, Democrats don't 
really mean it because the reality is that, if my colleagues on the 
other side of the aisle meant it, then my Democratic colleagues 
wouldn't stack 50 bills into one at a time when the minority does their 
omnibus spending packages the way House Democrats always do.
  That is really interesting. The value to our economy and the budget 
of the rules that were implemented by the Biden administration, those 
1,400, this isn't   Andy Biggs talking. This isn't some outside group. 
Democrats claim it is Project 2025. This isn't those guys.
  It is not any of those folks that said that the cost to the economy 
and the budget is $1.34 trillion. No. That was the Biden 
administration's own admission. That is what the imposition of their 
rules would cost, and we would love to get at that.
  Democrats want us to do 1,400 separate bills. That way, none of their 
suspension bills where they are naming the post offices after their 
friends are going to get named. That is just what will happen. There 
won't be enough time.
  Mr. Speaker, the bottom line is this: Democrats don't want us to 
consider the rules of the outgoing administration because we are going 
to see some absurdities when we do.
  How about the heat rule? How about the heat rule? Up in the New 
England States, they might get 10 days a year where the high 
temperature is over 86 degrees.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to 
the gentleman from Arizona.
  Mr. BIGGS of Arizona. Mr. Speaker, let's consider Arizona, where I am 
from. Do Members know how many days are above 86 degrees when people 
are working outside? It is about 300 days a year.
  Democrats want the rule, set up by some person in a little cubicle--
if they even came into work, they might be working from home--to put a 
nationwide rule in place so that Phoenix, Arizona, basically is knocked 
out of being able to actually work and make it meaningful because we 
have 300 days a year above 86 degrees.
  That is their heat standard. That is the rule.
  Mr. Speaker, if my colleagues look into some of their antipollution 
stuff, guess what? Guess what the number one particulate is for just 
under 6 million people in Phoenix, Arizona, which is in Maricopa 
County. It is desert dust.
  The EPA says to us: Hey, what you need to do is use water. You need 
to water that stuff down.
  Guess what? The EPA also says that Maricopa County has a water 
problem.
  Those are the kind of rules that my Democratic colleagues don't want 
talked about because what the minority wants to do is, if that rule is 
in place and you throw in the the 86-degree heat rule, Maricopa County, 
a big red county that my colleagues on the other side of the aisle 
don't like, effectively would be shut down economically from economic 
growth and expansion and population-wise. That is why the rules need to 
be reviewed.
  Democrats say: Let's review them one at a time. My Democratic 
colleagues don't want to review them one at a time because this bill 
does not prevent reviewing them one at a time. It doesn't prevent that.
  It can still be done, but it makes it more efficient because guess 
what? We have about 1,400 rules, and maybe 6 of them were worth a 
tinker's damn, and it means the rest of them have to be reviewed. The 
only way they can be reviewed and debated is to aggregate them into 
different subsets.
  That is what this rule allows. That is why it is important, and it is 
important for the American people to understand that that 
administration imposed about $1.35 trillion worth of rules on them in 
the last year alone.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding to me.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, first of all, the gentleman has it all wrong. The 
gentleman said that we don't want to come down here and debate all of 
these one at a time.
  Yes, we do. Yes, we do.
  What we don't want Republicans to do is to pack 1,400 regulations 
into one bill where there is no debate and nobody knows what the hell 
they are voting on and the American people don't know the harm that my 
colleagues are about to do to them.
  Mr. Speaker, with all the urgency that I hear expressed on the other 
side about all these regulations, a number of CRAs have been 
introduced, and not a single committee has held a hearing on any of 
them. There hasn't been a single markup, nothing.
  Republicans have had a month. What the hell are my Republican 
colleagues doing? This is not a busy week. We haven't had any busy 
weeks. This is a very light legislative schedule. It is incredible how 
light it is. It is not like we don't have the time.
  Mr. Speaker, the gentleman doesn't want to talk about the fact that 
Trump and Elon, as we are speaking, are literally shutting the 
government down agency by agency and department by department.
  I get that Republicans don't want to talk about that, but that is 
what is happening right now. The agencies and departments that are set 
up to work for the American people are being shut down. People are 
being told to stay home. It is illegal, and courts are now stepping up 
to the plate.
  Mr. Speaker, the gentlewoman from Minnesota (Mrs. Fischbach)--oh, my 
goodness, I don't even know where to begin--says that the American 
people voted for this.
  No. The American people didn't vote for higher bank fees. They didn't 
vote to have banks rip them off. Maybe they did in Minnesota, but 
nowhere else in the country do I think the American people voted for 
that.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge my Republican friends to do their job. We haven't 
even finished last year's appropriations bills. We are running up to a 
deadline in March on a continuing resolution to keep the government 
open for this year because my friends who were in charge can't seem to 
kind of get their act together.
  Mr. Speaker, if we defeat the previous question, I will offer an 
amendment to the rule to bring up H.R. 1101, the Taxpayer Data 
Protection Act.
  In a matter of days after Donald Trump became President, Elon Musk 
and his DOGE minions gained full access to our government's central 
payment system at the Treasury Department.
  For those watching at home, that is their data. It is their tax 
refunds, their Social Security benefits, veterans' benefits, and their 
bank account numbers. It is disturbing and alarming to hear House 
Republicans talk about unelected bureaucrats and the power that they 
wield.
  That is Elon Musk. The people's data is in the hands of an unelected 
billionaire whose only actions thus far have served to help make him 
and his billionaire friends richer.
  I don't even know what clearances these people have. Thank goodness a 
Federal judge, just days ago, blocked Musk's access to this data. Yet, 
Republicans and Musk are not stopping. This stuff can't be made up. 
Just this morning, Republican Representative Eli Crane from Arizona 
says that he is going to impeach the judge who blocked Musk. Really?
  That is why we must consider the Taxpayer Data Protection Act and 
ensure that our Nation's payment systems and the people's data are 
protected.
  Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of my 
amendment in the Record along with any extraneous material immediately 
prior to the vote on the previous question.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Massachusetts?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from 
Michigan (Ms. Stevens), the sponsor of this legislation, to discuss our 
proposal.
  Ms. STEVENS. Mr. Speaker, I thank my profound and wise colleague, the 
ranking member of the Rules Committee and former chairman,  Jim 
McGovern, for yielding to me.
  Mr. Speaker, the gentleman is absolutely right that H.R. 1101, the 
Taxpayer Data Protection Act, which I was so pleased to author and 
introduce last

[[Page H626]]

week alongside my colleague, Sean Casten, and alongside our Democratic 
leadership is where we need to move.
  We need to ensure that we have some guardrails in our Treasury 
Department. I was a former Treasury Department official myself in the 
very beginning days of a new administration, the administration of 
Barack Obama, when actually a bipartisan group of us came together to 
respond to the economic and fiscal crisis of the time.
  I was put on the auto rescue team, the team responsible for saving 
General Motors and Chrysler from liquidation. Again, it was a 
bipartisan effort, and it saved 200,000 Michigan jobs and millions of 
jobs across the country.
  Nowhere in that process, when we were working with the troubled asset 
relief program dollars, did anyone dare to think about going into the 
Bureau of Fiscal Service and tapping the wires and the accounts of the 
American public and jolting and shaking the very foundation of trust.

  This bill is a very simple measure saying: Let's make sure that we 
have true public servants, people who have passed protocols, people who 
have top security clearances, people who don't have conflicts of 
interest. The American people deserve that modicum of trust.
  Mr. Speaker, what is even more outrageous, as we are talking about 
the rulemaking and the rolling back and the ways in which we choose to 
legislate here, is we are not talking about the costs that are 
impacting everyday Americans.
  I got sworn in on January 3 into the 119th Congress.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the 
gentlewoman from Michigan.
  Ms. STEVENS. Mr. Speaker, I am waiting for the bill to lower egg 
costs. I am seeing headlines that eggs are being stolen. I am hearing 
from constituents who are nervous about Elon Musk having access to 
their records and their payment system, and they are wondering why they 
can't go to the grocery store and find eggs. They are wondering about 
the high cost of everything. They are wondering why prescription drugs 
are about to go up because of an executive order.
  Where are we working on that?
  Mr. Speaker, let's pass the amendment, let's do H.R. 1101, and let's 
get back to business for the people of this country.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Mr. Speaker, again, I understand that the Democrats are very upset 
about losing the election, and I am glad that my Democratic colleagues 
are showing the American people where their priorities are.
  For 4 years, President Biden issued executive orders without the 
consent of Congress that increased inflation--we all saw that--created 
additional burdens for our small businesses--we heard about that--and 
limited consumer choices.
  My Democratic colleagues said nothing, but when President Trump tries 
to stop our government from spending $20 million of taxpayers' hard-
earned dollars to create a ``Sesame Street'' show in Iraq, or $2 
million on transgender surgeries in Guatemala, then my Democratic 
colleagues howl and jump up and down about executive overreach.
  The American people are sick and tired of being told that executive 
orders that put our Federal Government in the way of our businesses and 
our family budgets are responsible, but attempts like this bill to roll 
back these burdensome regulations are reckless.
  The Democrats don't want government spending examined and don't want 
to address unnecessary programs. What my Democratic colleagues want to 
do is continue out-of-control spending, growing our deficit, and 
spending those taxpayer dollars--spending taxpayer dollars. These 
aren't our dollars.
  We need to be responsible, and that is why they elected President 
Trump and Republicans. They want a change in the direction of this 
country.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

                              {time}  1245

  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. 
I really understand why my Republican colleagues don't want to talk 
about what is going on in this country. I really do get it.
  They want to change the subject. If I were them, I wouldn't want to 
talk about their lousy and unpopular agenda either. Nor would I want to 
talk about the fact that they are robbing these incredibly effective 
programs that help the American people to basically pay for a tax cut 
that is going to end up resulting in a multitrillion-dollar debt. I get 
that they don't want to talk about that.
  They want to eliminate programs to help working families in this 
country. They are defying court orders to choke off money for, get 
this, cancer research. They are trying to choke off money for consumer 
protection. I just came from an Agriculture Committee hearing. They are 
trying to choke off money for our farmers, for rural America. They go 
on and on about waste, fraud, and abuse, but they don't want to talk 
about how their MAGA buddy, Pete Hegseth, Trump's Secretary of Defense, 
wants to dip into taxpayer money like it is his own personal slush 
fund.
  They don't want to go there, do they? Again, you can't make this up, 
but this guy wants to spend $50,000 on an emergency paint job for his 
government housing. Mr. Speaker, $50,000. This is an emergency.
  I wouldn't want to talk about that either if I were them. I wouldn't 
want to talk about that either if I were them, Mr. Speaker, but I have 
two words for Pete Hegseth: Home Depot. I can narrow it down to one 
word: Lowe's. You get paint at a much cheaper rate than $50,000 to 
repaint your government housing. It is ridiculous, and that is 
perfectly fine with my Republican friends. It is perfectly fine.
  I can only assume that it is luxury paint for that price tag. Maybe 
my colleagues can correct me. Meanwhile, they have the gall to come 
down here and lecture us about government efficiency and waste? It 
takes my breath away.
  Mr. Speaker, I ask for unanimous consent to insert into the Record an 
article from military.com titled: ``Hegseth Wants $50,000 for 
`Emergency' Paint Job to Move into Military Family Housing, Lawmakers 
Say.''
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Massachusetts?
  There was no objection.

                   [From Military.com, Feb. 7, 2025]

 Hegseth Wants $50,000 for `Emergency' Paint Job to Move Into Military 
                     Family Housing, Lawmakers Say

                           (By Rebecca Kheel)

       Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth is looking to live in 
     military family housing and requested to use $137,000 in 
     taxpayer funding for repairs--including nearly $50,000 for an 
     ``emergency'' paint job--a pair of top Democratic lawmakers 
     said in a letter Friday demanding more details.
       While it is not unprecedented for a defense secretary to 
     live in military housing, it is far more common for them to 
     find private housing. And the reported price tag to fix up 
     Hegseth's military house comes as rank-and-file service 
     members continue to struggle with crumbling, unsafe living 
     conditions and as the Trump administration has been looking 
     to slash government spending elsewhere.
       ``We know that many service members and their families 
     currently live in unacceptable housing conditions including 
     houses with mold, lead paint, and other hazards,'' Democratic 
     Reps. Debbie Wasserman Schultz of Florida and Rosa DeLauro of 
     Connecticut said in their letter to Hegseth about his 
     housing. ``What commitment will you make to provide service 
     members with a similarly high quality of housing for 
     themselves and their families?''
       DeLauro is the ranking member of the House Appropriations 
     Committee, and Wasserman Schultz is the ranking member of the 
     panel's subcommittee in charge of military construction 
     funding.
       Under the law, Congress must be notified if maintenance and 
     repairs for housing meant for general and flag officers is 
     going to cost more than $35,000.
       In that context, lawmakers were notified late last month 
     that the Army was looking to spend $137,297 on maintenance on 
     an unoccupied family housing unit, according to Wasserman 
     Schultz and DeLauro's letter. The total cost included $49,900 
     for an ``emergency'' paint job, the letter added.
       On Wednesday, almost a week after the initial notification, 
     the lawmakers found out Hegseth will be moving into the house 
     that's being repaired, the letter said.
       The Pentagon did not respond to Military.com's requests for 
     comment Friday on the claims in the letter.
       The apparent urgency to fix up Hegseth's housing comes as 
     service members have

[[Page H627]]

     struggled for years with subpar housing and an inability to 
     get timely repairs.
       A series of 2018 Reuters articles exposed systemic issues 
     with privatized military housing for families such as mold, 
     rodent infestations and shoddy repairs, and military families 
     have continued to report similar issues in the years since.
       Young enlisted troops in the barracks, too, have faced 
     unsafe living conditions. A 2023 Government Accountability 
     Office report found rampant problems with overflowing sewage, 
     mold, bed bug infestations and squatters.
       At least one defense secretary has lived in military 
     housing before. Bob Gates lived in a home on a Navy compound 
     in Washington, D.C., when he was defense secretary, Stars and 
     Stripes reported in 2008. Gates was the first defense 
     secretary to live in military housing, according to the news 
     outlet.
       Most defense secretaries find their own homes. For example, 
     Hegseth's immediate predecessor, Lloyd Austin, lived in a 
     nearly $3 million, 8,700-square-foot house in Great Falls, 
     Virginia, according to Task and Purpose.
       When Gates lived in military housing, he paid more than 
     $6,500 in monthly rent. At the time, defense officials 
     expressed concern that he was required to pay more than three 
     times as much as an officer would to live in the same house, 
     because officers only had to pay the amount of their basic 
     allowance for housing, according to Stars and Stripes.
       The Pentagon did not answer Military.com's question about 
     whether Hegseth will pay rent and how much.
       In response to the concerns in 2008, Congress passed a law 
     in that year's annual defense policy bill saying rent for a 
     defense secretary living in military housing must be 105% of 
     the monthly BAH rate for a four-star general living with 
     dependents in the same area.
       ``The Department of Defense requested this provision in the 
     belief that housing the secretary of defense in established 
     quarters on a secure military installation is far more cost-
     effective than installing, maintaining and protecting 
     sensitive Department of Defense equipment, along with secure 
     information facilities and security and detection systems, in 
     private residences,'' a Senate report about that year's bill 
     said.
       The report also said DoD believed that it would reduce 
     disruptions to the public and costs for security protection.
       Under the law, the rent is supposed to cover ``maintenance, 
     protection, alteration, repair, improvement or restoration.''
       In their letter to Hegseth, Wasserman Schultz and DeLauro 
     also asked about what rent he will pay and whether any other 
     defense secretaries lived in military housing that needed 
     funding to be repaired first.
       The pair also asked why exactly there needs to be an 
     emergency paint job, as well as for a list of available 
     officers' housing that doesn't require as costly maintenance 
     as the house Hegseth is choosing.
       They requested a response by Feb. 21.
       The first Trump administration had several scandals 
     involving Cabinet officials and their housing or furnishings.
       Scott Pruitt, who served as the head of the Environmental 
     Protection Agency at the beginning of the first Trump 
     administration, was forced to resign amid several scandals, 
     including allegations that he got a sweetheart deal to rent a 
     D.C. condo from an energy lobbyist.
       Mike Pompeo reportedly lived in Army housing when he was 
     secretary of state. According to Politico, he first tried to 
     live in Navy housing, but lawyers for that service called the 
     idea ``problematic'' and raised ``factual, legal, fiscal and 
     ethical'' concerns.
       And Ben Carson, who served as housing and urban development 
     secretary, faced allegations that he misused funds for fancy 
     office furniture, though he was cleared of wrongdoing.

  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, this is the kind of corruption and waste 
and fraud that people deserve to know about, the kind that Republicans 
want to keep hidden from the American people during our debate today.
  Well, guess what? I want to expose it.
  Democrats are demanding answers because we think everyone deserves to 
know why this administration wants to spend 50 grand on paint for their 
fancy new houses while many of our troops live in housing with black 
mold and lead paint and can't pay the bills or make ends meet. That 
ought to be the priority, not a $50,000 paint job for the new Secretary 
of Defense. It is the same scam every single time. They do not care 
about efficiency or cost; they care about themselves.
  This is about tax breaks for billionaires, giveaways for their 
friends, and making sure the rich and powerful never have to sacrifice 
a damn thing. These people don't buy their own groceries or pump their 
own gas. These are FOX News nepo babies that are fine with government 
waste as long as they are the ones doing it.
  I am just so tired of this, Mr. Speaker. They are stealing from the 
American people. They do not care. They want to spend taxpayer money on 
luxury paint jobs for their fancy new houses while they screw over the 
rest of us, and Democrats are not going to put up with this BS.
  This administration is corrupt, and we will call it out over and over 
and over and over again.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Mr. Speaker, I am prepared to close, and I reserve 
the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. 
I am not prepared to close yet.
  Mr. Speaker, again, we are here during a rule debate talking about 
this majority's agenda for Congress, and it is funny because 
Republicans have a razor-thin majority. They have no mandate.
  A mandate is like you won by 20 or 30 or 40 seats. Republicans lost 
seats in the last election. Republicans have the smallest majority in 
nearly 100 years, and so Republicans need every single vote to pass 
crummy partisan bills like this one. They can't afford to have any of 
their Members miss a vote.
  Mr. Speaker, when Democrats were in charge, when I was the chairman 
of the Rules Committee, we actually put in place proxy voting in 
response to a worldwide pandemic. Anyone could cast their vote remotely 
if they had an excused absence. Mr. Speaker, because it is 2025 and not 
1725, and we actually can use technology to vote remotely.
  The backlash we got from Republicans on this was insane. They went 
out to the press and said that proxy voting was illegal. It is 
unconstitutional. It is this. It is that. Then, guess what? They did it 
themselves.
  Speaker Johnson voted remotely 39 times. Let me repeat that: Speaker 
Johnson voted remotely 39 times. He voted remotely so he could go home 
early. He voted remotely so he could visit school kids. He voted 
remotely for an entire week once. He just didn't show up.
  Then, despite him voting remotely dozens of times previously, when 
Johnson became Speaker, he ended remote voting because he said it was 
``unconstitutional.'' Yet, he voted remotely 39 times.
  Imagine my surprise, Mr. Speaker--it totally blew my mind this week--
when I see that Representative Byron Donalds somehow voted, and he 
wasn't even here in this building.


                        Parliamentary Inquiries

  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I have a parliamentary inquiry.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Massachusetts will state 
his inquiry.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, are Members allowed under House rules to 
vote by proxy?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under clause 2 of rule III, a Member may not 
authorize another person to cast their vote, and Members are also 
prohibited from casting a vote on behalf of another Member.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Further parliamentary inquiry, Mr. Speaker.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Massachusetts will state 
his inquiry.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, are Members allowed to vote by proxy if 
they have a TV appearance in California that they really want to go to?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under clause 2 of rule III, a Member may not 
authorize another person to cast their vote, and Members are also 
prohibited from casting a vote on behalf of another Member.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, this is really interesting now because 
last week Congressman Byron Donalds was at HBO studios in California, 
not on the House floor, but somehow news reports say he also voted here 
on the House floor at the same time.
  This is so interesting, Mr. Speaker, because I have a tweet here from 
2 years ago when Representative Donalds says: ``Today, House 
Republicans will vote to END proxy voting once and for all. The House 
of Representatives isn't a tech company. Its Members should work IN 
PERSON in the people's House.''
  Yet, he voted by proxy after he voted to end proxy voting, and this 
is the kind of hypocrisy that appears to be a specialty with my 
Republican colleagues.
  Mr. Speaker, further parliamentary inquiry.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Massachusetts will state 
his inquiry.

[[Page H628]]

  

  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, let's say a Member of Congress has a baby 
or they are undergoing treatment for chemotherapy or a close family 
member dies, is there a provision in the rules for them to vote 
remotely?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair will not provide advisory opinions 
or respond to hypothetical questions.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, this is not hypothetical, and I kind of 
get what is going on here, but we have a colleague, Representative 
Pettersen, who is currently home because she just gave birth. She can't 
vote because this majority has refused to put in place a bipartisan 
tool to allow it.

  Meanwhile, Republicans are out here breaking the rules while they jet 
off to Hollywood.
  Clearly, the rules apply and are held so sacrosanct by the majority 
that they can't be changed for new moms, but somehow they can be 
changed for interviews in Los Angeles.
  Let it apply to thee and not me.
  Mr. Speaker, further parliamentary inquiry.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Massachusetts will state 
his inquiry.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, were Representative Donalds' votes 
recorded as if he cast them properly or has his absence been recorded?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair will direct the gentleman to 
clause 2 of rule III.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, if I understand that correctly, they were 
recorded, even though he wasn't here in person?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Massachusetts is free to 
consult the Records of the House.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I have, and his vote was recorded, even 
though he wasn't here.
  Let's just call this what it is: It is voter fraud under the rules 
that the Republicans have put into place.
  Let's not even get started about who used Donalds' card to vote for 
him. They are fraudulently casting votes on the House floor to make 
sure they win every time whether or not they have enough Members here, 
but apparently voter fraud is okay if they do it. This is unbelievable.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time for 
closing.
  Mr. Speaker, we have covered an awful lot today. We discussed how 
Trump, Elon, and their DOGE minions are trying to take down the 
Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, an agency that has delivered more 
than $20 billion, that is $20 billion with a b back to consumers 
because Elon doesn't want his business to be regulated.
  We talked about how former FOX News personality turned Defense 
Secretary Pete Hegseth wants to spend $50,000 in taxpayer money on a 
high-end house paint job all while Republicans cry about government 
waste.
  We exposed how some Republicans are committing the equivalent of 
voter fraud in the United States Congress, and, yet, they still refuse 
to let new parents be able to vote remotely.
  I have a name for all of it, Mr. Speaker: Corruption. Rule for thee, 
but not for me. It is hypocrisy.
  Mr. Speaker, is there a single thing any of them, Trump, Elon, or any 
of the people on the other side have done or are doing to help regular 
people? Can they name a single thing?
  They promised they would lower grocery prices. Egg prices are through 
the roof.
  They promised $1 a gallon gas. Gas prices are going up since Trump 
took office.
  Don't forget, they promised to end wars. Trump is now talking about 
sending U.S. troops to Gaza so that Jared Kushner can build a Middle 
East Mar-a-Lago.
  Did people really vote to send their sons and daughters to be 
deployed in the tunnels of Gaza?
  They promised America first, and they want to put tariffs on Canada 
and Mexico that Americans would have to pay for. They backed down when 
the markets started failing, and they got nothing to show for it.
  Not a single thing has been done for the American people, just broken 
promises after broken promises after broken promises.
  Republicans have a three-vote majority. They do not have a mandate. 
They need to work with Democrats to get anything done, anything of 
consequence that is, but, instead, they are too busy handing out favors 
to billionaires and putting themselves first, all at the expense of the 
very people who sent them here.
  They want a government that only serves the ultrarich. We want a 
government that puts people first. I came to Congress to help people, 
not to hurt people.
  You are not helping people when you are dismantling important 
agencies and bureaus that actually are there to protect the health and 
well-being of the American people. You are not helping the American 
people when you try to cut money from NIH to do cancer research. You 
are not helping people when you try to gut consumer protection 
organizations that are all about making sure that big corporations 
don't trample over regular people and take away their rights or 
overcharge them.
  For the life of me, I don't understand the silence on the other side 
of the aisle. We have been in a new Congress now for over a month, and, 
again, nothing has been brought to the floor to help improve the 
quality of life for regular people. Not a thing has been done.
  I don't know how my friends go home and face their constituents and 
answer the question: What did you do this week? We did nothing; nothing 
for you.
  We did a lot of body blocking to help people like Elon Musk and other 
very well-off and well-placed people enrich themselves, but we did 
nothing for you, the American people. That is not what we should be 
focused on.
  The underlying bill that this rule is about here today is just 
another in a string of pieces of legislation that are being brought to 
the floor that are about trying to pull a fast one here, to basically 
repeal all these consumer protections, all these things that are 
designed to help the American people, all at once so that nobody knows 
what is in them.
  They can bring a bill that repeals a thousand regulations all at 
once, and we have no debate. That is not the way this place is supposed 
to work.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on this rule and 
vote ``no'' on the underlying legislation. I urge my colleagues on the 
Republican side to start putting the people of this country first.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

                              {time}  1300

  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time to 
close.
  I am just so glad that my colleague across the aisle pointed out that 
we have covered everything today but the bill under consideration in 
front of us. I should stand here kind of surprised that my colleagues 
on the left don't support this legislation, but of course I am not. 
Their lack of support proves what we already know: They don't actually 
care about executive overreach the way that they claim to.
  Unlike the Democrats, Republicans are not changing the subject. We 
are focused on making sure we do the job the American people elected 
President Trump and the Republicans to do. It is the Democrats who are 
talking about paint and not talking about the bill in front of us. They 
are not talking about what we are doing.
  I very often find myself trying to refocus the Democrats on the bill 
we have in front of us, which happens in many committees, but the 
Democrats insist on sticking to their talking points, their pro-
regulation, pro-government spending agenda.
  A great example today is the rant about proxy voting. This has 
nothing to do with the bill in front of us. It is a bill that deals 
with rule writing and the ability of Congress to undo rules and 
overregulation.
  They stood silently while Joe Biden used the power of the pen to 
dismantle our southern border and tell Americans what kind of cars, 
dishwashers, and water heaters they had to have. All of this was done 
without a single vote by Congress, yet my Democratic colleagues never 
cried out about executive overreach then.
  My Republican colleagues and I are committed to streamlining Federal 
operations and holding the government

[[Page H629]]

accountable. This bill accomplishes both of those objectives, and this 
is the bill that we are here to talk about today. The 1996 CRA requires 
Congress to pass a separate joint resolution for each agency rule to 
seek its disapproval, slowing Congress' ability to hold the 
administrative state accountable and block burdensome regulations.
  This legislation restores congressional control and allows us to 
review agency rules swiftly if they are implemented in the midnight 
hours of an outgoing administration. This is a simple, effective 
solution to improve and expedite the work of Congress and takes a step 
forward to curb out-of-control overregulation.
  One could argue that none of the orders that the Biden-Harris White 
House implemented in the final days in office should go into effect, 
given the signal he received loud and clear in November that the 
American people do not want what the Democrats are selling. Perhaps 
that is a debate for another time. Today, we are here to streamline 
congressional practices at a time when we are consistently bogged down.
  Mr. Speaker, I support the rule and the underlying legislation.
  The material previously referred to by Mr. McGovern is as follows:

  An Amendment to H. Res. 122 Offered by Mr. McGovern of Massachusetts

       At the end of the resolution, add the following:
       Sec. 2. Immediately upon adoption of this resolution, the 
     House shall proceed to the consideration in the House of the 
     bill (H.R. 1101) to prohibit unlawful access to the payment 
     system of the Bureau of the Fiscal Service within the 
     Department of the Treasury, and for other purposes. All 
     points of order against consideration of the bill are waived. 
     The bill shall be considered as read. All points of order 
     against provisions in the bill are waived. The previous 
     question shall be considered as ordered on the bill and on 
     any amendment thereto, to final passage without intervening 
     motion except: (1) one hour of debate equally divided and 
     controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the 
     Committee on Financial Services or their respective 
     designees; and (2) one motion to recommit.
       Sec. 3. Clause 1(c) of rule XIX shall not apply to the 
     consideration of H.R. 1101.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and 
I move the previous question on the resolution.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Scott Franklin of Florida). The question 
is on ordering the previous question.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further 
proceedings on this question will be postponed.

                          ____________________