[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 145 (1999), Part 6] [Senate] [Pages 8394-8396] [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]COMMENDING THE REVEREND JESSE JACKSON Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, let me read the resolving clause of the resolution on which we are about to vote. (1) The Senate commends the Reverend Jesse Jackson for his successful efforts in securing the release of Sergeant Ramirez, Sergeant Stone, and Specialist Gonzales and for his leadership and actions arising from his deep faith in God; and (2) The Senate joins the families of Sergeant Ramirez, Sergeant Stone, and Specialist Gonzales in expressing relief and joy of their safe release. Mr. President, I yield the floor. Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, Two days ago, when that military transport plane touched down at Andrews Air Force Base and we saw our three American soldiers safe again at last, I said, instinctively, ``thank you.'' ``Thank you, God, and thank you, Jesse Jackson, for bringing Steven Gonzales, Andrew Ramirez and Christopher Stone safely home from their captivity in Serbia.'' Millions of people all across our country, I suspect, said much the same thing. I am pleased today to repeat those words here, in the United States Senate, and to support this resolution honoring Reverend Jackson and the others in his delegation who played such a critical role in securing the release of our service men. ``When I was in prison, you visited me.'' That was one of the ways Jesus said we could recognize those who do his work. In daring to visit our soldiers in prison in Serbia, Reverend Jackson and the delegation of religious leaders who accompanied him surely were following Jesus's teachings as they understood them. Our nation owes them a debt of gratitude. Some have questioned the wisdom of the delegation's trip. There has been speculation about what effect their going to Serbia could have on political or military tactics. Frankly, I don't want to get into that debate. This was not a political or military mission. It was a humanitarian mission. Much praise rightly goes to Reverend Jackson, who organized the trip. I also want to acknowledge another member of the delegation: Congressman Rod Blagojevich, a second-term Congressman from Chicago's North Side, and the only Serbian-American in the House of Representatives. There are moments in history where a person emerges who seems almost to have been born to fulfill a critical role. On this mission, Rod Blagojevich was that person. Not only is he a man of significant political and moral courage, he is also the son of Yugoslav immigrants. His father spent four years in a Nazi POW camp during World War II. He learned to speak Serbo-Croation as a child, and still speaks it. I remember when I first was elected to the House. I sought out several of my political heroes to ask them ``How can a young Congressman make a difference--a real difference--in people's lives?'' Rod Blagojevich has found an answer to that question. Steven Gonzales, Andrew Ramirez and Christopher Stone are united today with their families, in large measure because of the courage he, and Reverend Jackson, and the other religious leaders in their delegation displayed in going to Serbia. Today's Washington Post contains an interesting account of their mission, from the time it was first conceived by Reverend Jackson through their triumphant return home. I ask unanimous consent that a copy of that article be printed in the Record. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Record, as follows: [[Page 8395]] [From the Washington Post, May 5, 1999] Mission Accomplished: The Congressman Who Pulled Strings for POWs' Release (By Kevin Merida) The interview begins with a little shake-rattle-and-roll. Rod Blagojevich doing Elvis Presley. ``I'm all shook up, unh-hunh-hunh.'' Blagojevich is a huge fan of The King (``Do you think he's still alive?''), and he's feeling loose. It's not often-- let's say never--that a second-term congressman from the North Side of Chicago can thrust himself onto the international stage, help rescue three Americans held captive and claim a patch of glory. That would be the patch right behind Jesse Jackson's. Meaning he's in all the brought-back- our-boys camera shots, but not prominently placed. But he's okay with that. Blagojevich is the boyish-looking dude with the mop of brown hair combed to the left, a cross between John Travolta and Henry Winkler. He sometimes takes his meals at Ben's Chili Bowl on U Street. No one recognizes him there. Maybe someone will recognize him now. Without Rod Blagojevich (pronounced bla-GOYA-vich), there might not have been a trip to Belgrade, no meeting with President Slobodan Milosevic, no tearful family reunions this week for U.S. soldiers Christopher Stone, Andrew Ramirez and Steven Gonzales. Blagojevich was the arranger, working his contacts in the Serbian American community when it looked like the trip was dead. Those contacts ultimately cleared a path to Milosevic himself. Not that the whole country is applauding. Some administration officials carped--anonymous carping is the best fun of all--that the unofficial Jackson peace mission only undercut the NATO bombing campaign and could potentially fracture the allies. Not to mention that it might damage President Clinton's credibility at home on the war. Pundits spouted: PR props for the Serb-led Yugoslav government. ``If Mother Teresa had been one of those prisoners and we had gotten her out, we would have been criticized,'' Blagojevich says. ``I guess if you're not being criticized, you're not important. But it's thrilling to be in the mix. It sure beats digging a ditch for a living.'' Blagojevich, 42, a Democrat, is the only House member of Serbian descent, which is perhaps the key part of this story. He grew up speaking both English and Serbo-Croatian. Still does. His father, Rade, was an immigrant to this country. A Yugoslavian army officer, Rade Blagojevich was captured by the Nazis in World War II and spent four years in a German POW camp. He eventually made his way to the United States and married a Chicago-born woman whose parents had emigrated from Bosnia-Herzegovina. Together they tried to raise Rod and his brother as Americans, but as Americans with a rich understanding of their ancestry. Often, their mother would pull in one direction and their father would tug in the other. It was one thing to play the tamburitza, a ukulele-like instrument; it was another thing to sport the white-socks- and-sandals look that his dad thought was authentically Yugoslav. ``I don't want to wear that,'' he told his father. ``I'm going to get laughed out of the neighborhood if I wear that. That's a bad look.'' Blagojevich parents have passed away, but it is with their memory in mind and all that he has learned about Serb culture over the years that he injected himself into this war. He felt he had a unique perspective to offer. Ironically, some in the Serbian community here have been disappointed in him for not being more active in Serbain American affairs. Shortly after the soldiers were captured on March 31, Blagojevich telephoned national security adviser Samuel ``Sandy'' Berger and White House chief of staff John Podesta to offer his help. Nothing grew out of those calls. He then read in the newspapers that Jackson wanted to take a delegation of American religious leaders over to visit the soldiers and try to win their release. Jackson was having trouble getting guarantees from Milosevic that the delegation could even see the GIs. Blagojevich approached Rep. Jesse Jackson Jr. (D-Ill.) on the House floor and mentioned that he had some contacts who might be able to help. The younger Jackson put Blagojevich in contact with his father. Blagojevich got to work. Soon, he was talking directly to Yugoslavian deputy premier Vuk Draskovic. Things were working out. Draskovic had assured the group's safety and a visit with the soldiers. The soldiers would be allowed to talk to their families. He'd get it in writing. The trip was back on. Except on the eve of departure, the maverick Draskovic was axed. Blagojevich recalls the Rev. Jackson's reaction to that development as they were hashing out last-minute details for the trip in Washington. He lapses into his Jackson impersonation. ``Blagojevich, our boy just got fired. You got any others out there?'' Actually, Blagojevich did. Once in Belgrade, it was Jackson who set the agenda, Jackson who commanded the spotlight. Blagojevich, as he put it, ``worked the corridors'' and took advantage of his ``cultural connection'' and ability to speak the language. As Blagojevich explained his role in a conversation in his office yesterday, he pulled out two business cards. Nebojsa Vujovic, spokesman for the Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. They had a common friend in Chicago. Bogoljub Karic, minister without portfolio, Republic of Serbia. He had met with this guy in his congressional office two days before the bombing campaign. He later saw the same man on TV emerging from a Milosevic cabinet meeting. While all the attention was focused on Jackson, Blagojevich says, ``it was proper and part of the strategy to be working these other guys. He and I were working different angles.'' Jackson and Blagojevich both were in the three-hour meeting with Milosevic on Saturday morning that produced the release of the American prisoners the next day. Jackson then met with Milosevic privately. The trip produced some light moments amid all the intensity and emotion--Blogojevich, a member of the House Armed Services Committee, greeted Sgt. Stone by promising him a raise--but there were no light moments with Milosevic. ``I detected absolutely no warmth toward me,'' Blagojevich says. ``In fact, I detected a decided lack of warmth.'' A lack of warmth? Could it be that Milosevic remembered that this Chicago congressman had pronounced him guilty of ``ethnic cleansing'' and compared his tactics to those of Nazi leaders? Once back home, Jackson, Blagojevich and others met at the White House Monday evening with Clinton. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright was there. Berger was there. Vice President Gore dropped by for a moment. Jackson gave a detailed explanation and interpretation of what the delegation heard and saw in Belgrade. He said that Milosevic's gesture deserved to be matched. He talked of other leaders who were so far apart, but had talked to each other and had become closer over time. Sadat and Begin. ``Then I was up,'' recalled Blagojevich, who told Clinton that the Serbs weren't backing down. He pitched his proposal for a partition of Kosovo, which would give Serbs control of the northern region where most of the Orthodox cathedrals and historic sites important to them are located. An autonomous homeland would be created in the south for the ethnic Albanians driven out by Milosevic's forces. ``I like Clinton. I'm happy I voted to impeach him. I do think he needs to step up to the plate and take charge of this. With all due respect, I think Madeleine Albright and Sandy Berger are running the show.'' Blagojevich says he is ``extremely skeptical'' that the bombing campaign will be successful. The NATO allies have underestimated the Serbs' resolve, he believes. ``Despite the bombs, daily life goes on.'' The timing for a negotiated solution is right, he thinks. The administration apparently thinks not. ``They were on a mission of peace and it was successful,'' says National Security Council spokesman David Leavy of the Jackson-led group, ``but the fundamental reality remains the same. There are a million Kosovars who are not going home to their families.'' However the war ends, the Jackson-Blagojevich bond has strengthened. ``I feel like I'm a second cousin now,'' Blagojevich says. The younger Jackson puts the relationship in context: Blagojevich's father-in-law, Alderman Dick Mell, is a longtime Chicago machine boss. Blagojevich's district, 1 percent black, is a bastion of white ethnic pride. For many years, it was represented by Dan Rostenkowski. It is not a district in which Jesse Jackson and Jesse Jackson Jr. are exactly popular. ``Us relating to Rod and Rod relating to us is something taboo,'' Rep. Jackson explains, noting that although he and Blagojevich and their wives have grown close personally, he understands that the North Side member takes flak for the association. ``You being part of that Jackson thing is really going to cost you your career,'' says Jackson Jr., imitating his friend's critics. ``But after this trip, he is now officially an honorary South Sider. Apparently, it was a great growing experience for both him and Reverend Jackson.'' After his 15 minutes of fame at Jackson's side, Blagojevich's only question is this: ``When do I take my seat on the back bench again?'' Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, I will vote for this resolution because I share in the happiness and relief that the families of Sergeant Ramirez, Sergeant Stone, and Specialist Gonzales, and all Americans feel now that these fine young men have been released from captivity. We are all thankful that they are home, safe from harm. I do not believe, however, that private diplomacy that is at odds with our country's objectives in this war and public relations stunts by Mr. Milosevic deserve our praise. I cannot [[Page 8396]] commend the participation of any American in his propaganda. ____________________